Saturday, December 09, 2006

(ZT) 跨国公司到中国后为什么会腐化变质?

梁 治

西安有许多家大超市,象人人乐、家世界、好又多、麦德龙等,但唯
独麦德龙比较特殊,因为它实行所谓的会员制,开业那天许许多多的
慕名而来的西安人被拒之门外,被那些老外和“汉奸们”推来搡去
的。为什么会这样,而其他大超市却不敢如此,恐怕重要的原因之一
就是它是一家德国企业。“外国人就是尿的比中国人高。”许多西安
市民这样说道。

如今在中国十分崇洋媚外,这不光从国民心态看出来,就是政府的政
策也是“一国两制”,不一视同仁。这种纵容客观上促使了一些跨国
企业变质。前一段的富士康事件虽然草草了之,但有一个声音却始终
响在我们的耳边:富士康在它的本土台湾难道也象在大陆这样飞扬跋
扈?近日,多家媒体又同时披露,中国建设银行前董事长张恩照受贿
案的判决书中提到,IBM曾向一位协助行贿张恩照的销售代理支付
了22.5万美元。IBM的一位发言人表示,该公司尚未看到法庭判
决,无法对此发表评论。据报道,判决书中还提到了日本电子企业日
立公司的香港子公司。日立公司的一位发言人表示,已对此事进行调
查。而无论是IBM,还是日立公司在它们本土都是经营的典范,可
是进中国内后为什么会腐化变质呢?

当然,毋庸置疑的是许多国际巨头公司为世界的经济发展做出了巨大
的贡献,比如微软、沃尔玛、雅虎等等,然而,令人匪夷所思的是许
多跨国公司到了中国后却腐化变质了。诸如残酷剥削工人、延长劳动
时间、行贿、把当地官员拉下水等等在本土连想都不敢想的事情,在
中国都发生了。近年来,跨国企业在华行贿的事件一直在上升,中国
在10年内至少调查了50万件腐败案件,其中64%与国际贸易和外商有
关。这些跨国企业行贿招数越来越高明,屡试不爽,被业内人士称为
“完美行贿”。据透露,这些跨国公司或赞助受贿方的子女出国留学
或为其安排工作;或承诺待受贿方退休后,聘请其担任自己企业的顾
问,“顾问费”非比寻常;或对政府高官、企业高管“助学”,提供
EMBA免费进修;或在合同签下来后,将部分工程发包给受贿方家
人、朋友投资的公司做等等,显得非常隐蔽。而在另一些方面,素以
强调“企业社会责任”著称的跨国公司及其产品一旦进入国内,也往
往发生严重的“酱缸化”变质现象。比如拒建工会,忽视劳工福利;
严重的产品质量问题;破坏与污染环境等等。还有一些政治上的恶性
事件,比如屡见不鲜的雅虎等网络公司将用户的私人资料提供给中国
国安局,为中国政府残酷迫害政治异见人士找到了理由。这同样在他
们本土是绝对不允许的,无论法律上,还是道义上。

为什么会这样的呢?很多跨国公司的成长壮大,很大程度上就缘于其
守法经营和强烈的企业社会责任。可为什么到了中国后就会发生南橘
北枳的情况?

我想主要有以下几个原因,一是中国的支持,当然主要是指政府的支
持。这些年来中国为了追求片面的经济增长率,什么样的资金都要引
进,而且采取了各种优惠条件,中资能办的,外资能办,但中资不能
办的,外资照样可以办的。对外资的一些特别要求睁一只眼闭一只
眼,比如在盘剥工人上,政府往往持默许的态度。这样没有政府的干
预,当然会使得跨国企业进了中国后,唯利是图,把一些不受限制的
恶性发挥了出来。二是适应中国国情。大家知道,在中国办事人情第
一,做生意更是这样,吃请回扣比比皆是,尤其是对政府官员,更是
如此。外资虽然享有许多特权,但面对这种情况,也难免入乡随俗。
比如前些年的麦德龙进驻西安,就邀请了省长出席,实际上在国外一
个企业的开业省长出席并无关紧要,麦德龙之所以拉大旗做虎皮,还
不是随应中国国情吗?

三是“汉奸”作祟。许多跨国企业进了中国后并不是外国人在其中打
理,而是中国人在其中管理。大家知道,往往“汉奸”整起中国人来
更坏,更了解中国的情况。所以,象行贿等腐化事件一般都是中国人
出的主意,否则外国人怎么知道这些门门道道呢。

第四,也是最重要的一点,那就是再强大的经济实力,都无法改变和
决定“上层建筑”;相反,一个国家和地区的政治和法律环境,却可
以迫使最强大的经济实体乖乖就范。这不是资本的“原罪”问题,而
是政治和经济的必然逻辑。

可见,跨国企业要出污泥而不染,几乎是不可能的。唯有在根本的法
律制度建设上确实走上民主法治之路,才能获得经济利益增长和自身
形象良好保持的双赢结果。

[RFA]

Sunday, December 03, 2006

(ZT) Demonstration in HK 香港举行示威请愿,要求言论自由

  支聯會將於12月3 日向出席「世界電信展」的國家信息部部長王旭東和參展商請願,要求中國政府停止監控網上言論及停止迫害網絡作家,抗議外國網絡供應商只顧商業利益,與中共同流合污,自我審查,泄露用戶私人通訊資料等。以下是活動安排,誠邀抽空出席參與──
The Hong Kong Alliance is going to hold demonstration to appeal to the Mr Wang Xudong, Minister of Information Industry and host of ITU Telecom World, to demand that the Chinese government stop internet censorship and stop the persecution of internet writers, and to protest against foreign Internet Service Providers who, unscrupulously caring only about their commercial interest, collude with the Chinese Communist Party in self-censorship and in disclosing to the latter personal data of users of their services. You are sincerely invited to cover these demonstrations, details of which are as follow:

向「世界電信展」國家信息產業部部長王旭東和參展商請願
Appeal to Mr Wang Xudong, Minister of Information Industry, host of ITU Telecom World.

主題 theme:停止監控網上言論,停止迫害網絡作家
Stop internet censorship. Stop persecution of internet writers.
日期 date:12月3日(星期日)3rd December 2006 (Sun)
時間 time:下午5時30分 5:30pm
地點 place:灣仔家計會外(灣仔地鐵站B1出口)集合,遊行往會展中心 Gathering outside the Family Planning Association, Wanchai (B1 exit of the Waichai MTR), and marching towards the Convention Centre.

  以下是請願活動的新聞稿--

NO to internet censorship in China! FREE internet writers!

停止監控網上言論!停止迫害網絡作家!
  香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會藉著在港舉行「世界電信展」,向中國及外國網絡參展商請願,要求中國政府停止監控網上言論及停止迫害網絡作家,抗議外國網絡供應商只顧商業利益,與中共同流合污,自我審查,泄露用戶私人通訊資料等。

On the occasion of the 'ITU Telecom World' hosted by China, the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of the Democratic Patriotic Movements of China (hereafter the Alliance or the Hong Kong Alliance) appeals to Chinese and foreign participants of the exhibition and convention to demand that the Chinese government stops internet censorship and stops persecution of internet writers, and to protest against foreign internet service providers (ISPs) who care only about their commercial interest and hence collude with the Chinese communists in self-censorship and in disclosing to them the data of private users of their services.

  根據《中華人民共和國憲法》、《聯合國人權宣言》和《公民權利及政治權利國際公約》,人民享有言論及通訊自由,公民有權在互聯網建立網站、網頁,有權在任何公開發佈的互聯網電子公告欄發佈個人意見。公民也有權瀏覽任何網站、網頁,亦有權通過電子郵箱、電子公告欄等交換資訊。

According to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, the UN Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, the people have the right to the freedoms of expression and communication, the right to set up web sites and web pages and the right to post opinions on any internet forums. The people are also entitled to browse any web sites and web pages, and exchange information through emails and internet forums.

  然而,一直以來,中共嚴密監控互聯網,過濾電子郵件,侵犯私隱權,扼殺網絡自由,剝奪通訊自由。更對在網絡發表及登載「反動文章」的異見人士拘禁和判刑,即使從互聯網閱讀及下載資料也會被以「顛覆罪」定罪,嚴重侵犯人權。

Nevertheless, the Chinese communists have all along meticulously monitored the internet, filtered emails, infringed on the people's privacy, strangled internet freedom and deprived the people of their freedom of communication. Furthermore, they have arrested and imprisoned dissidents who posted so called 'reactionary articles' on the internet. They have even convicted people for subversion who read or downloaded information on the internet, seriously breaching their human rights.

  中國目前有3萬多名網絡警察監控互聯網信息,有20多萬人在網上受到嚴密監管,涉及眾多專業領域包括作家、藝術家、記者、律師、社會工作者,以及知名人士等,當中不少從未涉足政治敏感層面人士亦受到監控。他們的hotmail和Gmail郵箱裏的電郵,只要涉及到胡錦濤、江澤民、六四等字眼,不是發不出去就是顯示「被退回」。有些時候,一個電郵往往要發半小時至一小時,比寫一篇文章的時間還長。有一半的郵件無法收到,即使收到也顯示出被看過。部分被視為「反動」和「敏感」的網頁,包括支聯會(www.alliance.org.hk)和法輪功等,均被中共封鎖,內地網民無法瀏覽。網上論壇如出現批評中國政府的內容,更會被即時封閉。

China has over 30,000 internet policemen who monitor and control information on the internet. More than 200,000 people are closely monitored on the net, including many writers, artists, journalists, lawyers, social workers and other well-known figures, many of whom have never even stepped into any sensitive political areas. Whenever keywords like Hu Jintao, Jiang Zemin or June 4th are mentioned, their emails in Hotmail, Gmail and the like either fail to be delivered or are shown to have bounced back. At times, an email often takes as long as half an hour or even an hour to get delivered, longer than the time to write an article. Half of the emails of the people monitored fail to deliver, and even if delivered, it is evident that they have been read. Some 'reactionary' or 'sensitive' web pages, including those of the Alliance (www.alliance.org.hk) and the Falungong, are embargoed by the Chinese communists, becoming unavailable for internet users in mainland China. When criticism of the Chinese government appears on internet forums, the forums are immediately closed.

  有關當局更在兩年前開始在各大門戶網站如新浪、網易、搜狐等,對個人郵箱進行過濾。最近一年開始,雅虎中國、Gmail、hotmail等跨國網站的私人郵箱,亦加入當局監管行列。雅虎中國發言人也承認:「信息產業部(內地互聯網主管部門)今年初啟動淨化活動(『陽光綠色網絡工程』),要求網絡供應商配合。個人電郵、論壇、博客(網誌)等,如果出現敏感信息就會被過濾掉。」新浪網亦表示已成立專門監管網絡的部門,對「內容涉及非法、暴力等不正常的郵件」進行處理。

Two years ago, the Chinese authorities began filtering personal email boxes in the various portal sites in China, like Sina, NetEase, Sohu, etc. Just last year, the personal email boxes under multinational portals such as Yahoo China, Gmail, Hotmail, etc. also joined the official list of censored categories. The spokesman of Yahoo China admitted, "The Ministry of Information Industry (the authority that oversees the internet in mainland China) launched its sanitization program early this year (the 'Sunny Green Internet Project') and required ISPs to comply. In personal emails, forums, blogs, etc., sensitive information will be censored away if it appears." Another ISP, Sina, also said that they had set up a special department to monitor the internet, to process 'abnormal emails that involve illegality or violence'.

  另外,外國網絡供應商,為了中國市場,不惜泄露用戶私隱,捨棄商業道德,向中國政府提供用戶通訊資料。其中雅虎的表現最令人不滿和憤怒。雅虎向中國內地安全部門提供的網絡作家資料包括:網絡作家師濤於「六四」十五周年前夕將中共中央有關要求嚴防紀念「六四」活動的文件摘要所使用的IP(用戶名)、發信時間、用戶上網的電話號碼等;王小寧於2001年至2002年間在雅虎中國網站發表連串不滿共產黨的政論文章的相關註冊資料;四川達州市前官員李智在網絡上批評中國政府腐敗的文章紀錄;遼寧民辦企業老闆姜立軍在網上主張推翻共產黨、倡建自由民主黨的文章。最終導致師濤、王小寧、李智、姜立軍分別被判囚10年、10年、8年和4年。

Besides, foreign ISPs, abandoning commercial ethics for a position in the Chinese market, have been providing the Chinese government with personal data of their users, which is an infringement of their privacy. Yahoo has been most blatant and enraging, for having disclosed to the security departments of mainland China the data of various internet writers, including (a) the IP address, the user name, the telephone number for internet connection, and the time of posting of a relevant article of Shi Tao, who posted the summary of a document by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on the eve of the 15th anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre that laid down strict cautionary measures against activities commemorating the June 4th incident; (b) the registration data at Yahoo China of Wang Xiaoning, who posted various political articles expressing dissatisfaction of the CPC on the website of Yahoo China; (c) the records of the articles written by Li Zhi, a former government official in Dazhou city, Sichuan, who criticized the corruption of the Chinese government on the internet; and (d) the articles written by Jiang Lijun, the owner of a private enterprise in Liaoning, who advocated the overthrow of the CPC and the establishment of a Liberal Democratic Party. In the end, Shi Tao, Wang Xiaoning, Li Zhi and Jiang Lijun were sentenced to imprisonments of 10, 10, 8 and 4 years respectively.

  外國網絡供應商更自我審查,在MSN中國版(http: //cn.msn.com)搜尋一些「敏感字眼」時,在頁底出現「已刪除部分結果」。另外,即使一些字眼能夠顯示,亦與原來的意思不同。如搜尋「六四」,結果卻顯示出「國際象棋六十四格網」、「全國大學四、六級考試」等。又或者只有某些立場的結果可以顯示,如搜尋「法輪功」時,大部分的結果皆屬批評法輪功的網頁。微軟、雅虎、思科和Google美國四大網絡公司對中國政府的壓力「卑躬屈膝」,幫助中國進行網絡審查,違反言論自由原則。

Foreign ISPs have also engaged in self-censorship. In the China version of MSN(http://cn.msn.com), the phrase "Part of the search results have been deleted" appears at the end of the page when 'sensitive' key words are searched. Even if some search results appear, they miss the point. For instance, for the key words "June 4th" (or 'Six Four' in Chinese) concerning Tiananmen, the search results show only the 64 boxes of the chess board, or the 6th and 4th level of university examination in China. Sometimes, only the results of a one-sided position shows. For example, the key word "Falungong" would yield search results of mostly webpages that criticize Falungong. The big four of US internet companies, Microsoft, Yahoo, Sisco and Google have thrown the principle of freedom of speech down the drain by kowtowing to pressure from the Chinese government, colluding with them in internet censorship.

  支聯會敦促中央政府落實人民在網絡上享有言論和資訊自由,立即釋放師濤、王小寧、李智、姜立軍、孔佑平、寧先華、李大偉、徐偉、靳海科、張宏海、李建平、張林、黃金秋、陶海東等。支聯會呼籲外國網絡供應商不要唯利是圖,停止與中國政府同流合污,捍衛電郵用戶的私隱權。

The Hong Kong Alliance urges the Central Government to put into effect the promised rights of the people to freedom of speech and access of information, to immediately release internet writers Shi Tao, Wang Xiaoning, Li Zhi, Jiang Lijun, Kong Youping, Ning Xianhua, Li Dawai, Xu Wai, Jin Haike, Zhang Honghai, Li Jianping, Zhang Lin, Huang Jinqiu, Tao Haidong, etc. The Hong Kong Alliance calls upon foreign ISPs not to seek profit unscrupulously, to stop colluding with the Chinese government and to protect the privacy of their internet users.

  停止監控網上言論!停止迫害網絡作家!

No to internet censorship! Stop persecution of internet writers!

  釋放師濤!釋放所有被捕網絡作家!

Free Shi Tao! Free all jailed internet writers!

Activist Couples with Courage

1.

Mr. Chen Guangcheng became blind after a severe childhood fever. Nonetheless, the peasant boy from a village in Yi'nan County, Shandong Province in east China went on to train himself as a legal expert. Energetic in his late thirties, he had since helped people, similarly disabled as himself, to obtain government benefits that had never come to realize for many living in the countryside.

In 2003, the central government ordered cancellation of all agricultural taxations, which cut short the income for many of a local government. Consequently, as reported by Chinese agriculture scholars from various locations, a new phenomenon arose, whereupon local government officials turned their attention in extracting illicit extra income from the peasants to increasing penalty fees on supposed "violation" of China's family planning policy.

Chen Guangchang was caught by the suddenly increasing coercive approach local officials adapted against peasant women and their families in his home town. Working with warm support from his young wife, Yuan Weijing, he gathered huge amount of information on systematic abuse of power, against poor peasants and their families, by the family planning authorities in Yi'nan County and exposed the case to the national family planning office in Beijing in summer 2005. He was awarded by the national office with honor, covered by newspaper articles and television programs. Eventually, he was named one of the one hundred people who influenced the world in 2005 by the Times Magazine in the U.S. in early 2006.

By then, Chen had lost his freedom of movement for months. Local police had placed him under house-arrest since August 2005.

Chen Guangcheng has been formally arrested in summer 2006, being charged for "obstructing public traffic and damaging public property" in March 2006, when he was still under house-arrest and followed step by step by police whenever he left his home.

He was tried earlier this year and retried on November 27. A sentence of four year and three month has been uphold by the second trial.

While Chen was taken away, Yuan Weijing has stood up to speak to the outside world on Chen's behalf.

Speaking out truth to the outside world - this is what the Chinese regime fears the most.

To make a long story short, after Chen's case was retried, Yuan was taken by police for "questioning." Hours later, she was spotted being dragged out of a police car and thrown to a dirt ditch outside her village, unconscious. She's been hospitalized for exhaustion.

Luckily for Chen, a group of courageous lawyers from Beijing have taken up his case and vowed to fight for justice for him to the last minute. Chen Guangcheng, Yuan Weijing and the lawyers have all agreed they will appeal the case at court of higher levels.

2.

Unlucky for Chen, the most famous and outspoken lawyer coming to his aid earlier this year has disappeared behind the bars himself.

This is Gao Zhisheng, who, too, self-taught himself to become a licensed lawyer and was once honored as one of the top ten best lawyers in China, most of all for his achievements to win huge compensations for poor families, without charging them legal service fees. Actually, he helped many of the poor families with money from his own pocket.

Gao was taken away by police in August, when he was preparing for Chen Guangcheng's initial trial, while taking a break to visit his sister's family that is also in Shandong, a province located between of Beijing and Shanghai, along China's northern coastline.

The scene was rather dramatic, as a group of men rushed into the courtyard of Gao's sister's home, putting a black hood over Gao's head, dragging him into a car and driving away, without giving any legal document to his relatives, nothing to the effect of an arrest warrant.

Since then, he has been held without the permission to see a lawyer and with only one meeting with his wife. It has been nearly four months.

Worst of all, his whole family has been harassed constantly since he was taken away. His thirteen-year daughter was followed by three police members continuously, at home and on campus. They are sitting outside her classroom as well as following her to the campus restroom every single time. They have also taken insulting the poor girl as their pastime.

Nowadays in China a suspect arrested by police is entitled by law to hire defense lawyer(s), as long as the documents are signed by her- or him-self or the family members of the concerned. The Chinese State Security Ministry (SSM), having blocked all contacts to Mr. Gao and put his wife and children under virtual house-arrest, also set out to block his family members in northern Shaanxi Province from signing any legal documents. The whole episode reads like a detective story, albeit more by a second rank author than a master-piece (unlike the one being investigated by the Scot Yard in London at the moment, concerning Russian interest).

Thanks for firm support from his brothers, nephews, and long-time friends, Gao has got legal support from one of China's top lawyers, Mr. Mo Shaoping, who has represented many civil activists and political dissidents in the past two decades. Unfortunately, Mr. Mo has not been able to secure a meeting with Mr. Gao. The authorities have bluntly defied legal requirements stipulated by China's laws to grant such a meeting as soon as possible.

Meanwhile, let me come to the other key figure referred in the title of this blog entry. This is Ms. Geng He, Mr. Gao Zhisheng's wife.

Geng He has been suffering from police coercion, ever since her husband was taken away in August.

Her home was not only raided by police repeatedly, it was simply occupied by them - several of them, moved in to stay there on shift. Her daughter, mentioned above, and her three-year-old son have been living under constant harassment for past months. When her daughter couldn't take it any longer and ran to a friend's home, Geng He was under tremendous police pressure to bring the girl back - under the name of behaving for the sake of her husband's uncertain fate.

So, she weighed the options in hand and kept silent, not contacting any of the family's old friends in the small but comradely community of Chinese civil activists. She, as the best a Chinese woman could think and do, decided to take all the pressure on her own, simply hoping this will help to secure relatively lenient conditions for her husband suffering in the hands of the SSM.

We would not have learned all of the above, had it not been the physical assault on her a week earlier. She went to shopping and, as might be expected, brought with her at least three "tails" of the plaincloth police. When she protested - not against the "tails" per ce - that the police walked right into her back at every turn, two of them, both tall and strongly built, started hitting her on the face and holding her back by twisting her arms. She ended up with a bleeding mouth, shaking teeth, bloody face and injured finger-nails.

3.

This incident broke the ice. Geng He telephoned their old friend, Mr. Hu Jia.

Now, the world has the evidence. Shall we add that all of these happened when it was the World Day to protect women from violence?

Mr. Hu Jia is the husband of Ms. Zeng Jinyan, whose blog I wrote about in September. Another courageous couple, loving and intelligent.

I am proud of China, for I am proud of the wonderful Chinese couples:

Ms. Yuan Weijing and Mr. Chen Guangcheng;
Ms. Geng He and Mr. Gao Zhisheng;
Ms. Zeng Jinyan and Mr. Hu Jia.

Sunday, November 26, 2006

陈光诚案重审将考验中国的法治建设

现在已经是北京时间2006年11月27日星期一的早晨,盲人维权者陈光诚一案重审在即。当初上级法院认定证据不足要求重审时,很多关心陈光诚的人们曾经真心地舒过一口气,可是上个星期的一系列事件,让人不能不忧虑。陈光诚案的主要证人曾经表示,他们都是因警方严刑逼供外加欺骗瞒哄,才在一审中作出不利于陈光诚的证言;只要重审,他们一定会秉正直言,还陈光诚清白。可是,在第一次开庭时间改变前后,他们已经又受到警方的威胁恐吓。(见附件相关报道)

更令人不安的是,就在陈光诚案证人受威胁的同时,11月24日星期五接连发生对维权人士及其家属的重大出手攻击,显示中共当局宁可走传统所谓杀一儆百之路,重拳出手施压,威慑维权人士消声,也不愿从法治建设的长远基础着想,遵循必要步骤,有所收敛,在人民心目中建立更多一点司法权威和执法信用。

这同时发生的几件事当中,最严重的,是遭长期非法拘押的维权律师高智晟的夫人耿和女士,外出购物时,被跟踪的两名身高一米八的男性国保打得满嘴是血,牙齿松动,小指受伤,并遭到恶毒辱骂,包括性侮辱的诟骂。(见附件相关报道)

在现代文明社会,这是极为令人发指的犯罪。自从高智晟律师被捕,耿和一家已经有三个月生活在国保警察的威胁性跟踪监视之下,上至70岁老母亲,下至不满3岁的幼儿,都失去了行动和通讯的自由。耿和和高智晟13岁的女儿,耿格,也被三四名警察整日跟踪,甚至也遭到警察性侮辱的诟骂。

高律师的案子还没有正式起诉,就算他的案子牵涉国家机密或是颠覆国家政权,就算国保警察不能不执行指令、完成上级下达的命令,凭什么执行任务的警察就可以随便辱骂涉案人的家属,而且对妇女儿童进行性别侮辱的诟骂?这是什么人下达的指令,又是谁指使执行的?这就是中国政府满世界高唱的文明、现代、和谐吗?胡锦涛和温家宝频繁出访,推销自己,可是随身带着这样的国内执政执法的丑恶纪录,谁还敢相信这个政府的任何宣传和承诺!

就在同一天,北京高级人民法院就香港记者程翔涉嫌间谍案二审开庭,仅仅用了30分钟,就宣布维持五年徒刑的原判。(见附件相关报道)

也是同一天,北京市爱知行研究所所长万延海被公安局叫去问话,20多个小时过去了,没有回家,也不知去向。(见附件相关报道)

这种种事件同时发生,每一件都视法律程序为儿戏,大张旗鼓地用法律手续特别是案件审理做政治迫害的遮羞布,这是中国法治建设的耻辱。世界良心之士不得不面对这样的丑恶和耻辱,为这个灯红酒绿的时代衬托出表象下面那浓重的黑影。

经济和消费确实是在蒸蒸日上,可是大写的人在哪里?为什么这个世界竟不能容下一位心中有光明的盲人?!

======附件:有关报道=====
耿和被国保暴打 高智晟家人处境堪虞
2006.11.24
据北京人权人士胡佳消息,被关押的著名维权律师高智晟的妻子耿和,星期五被跟踪的国保殴打。胡佳录下了与耿和的电话通话,并授权本台首发。通话中还谈及高智晟狱中情况。以下是自由亚洲电台特约记者丁小的报道。

高智晟的妻子耿和星期五下午在上街买东西时,因要求跟踪的国保人员保持距离,被两名国保严重殴打。事后半小时,她致电胡佳哭诉事件:"他们就骂我,把我的嘴巴牙齿全都打流血,小拇指头盖打的飞上去,衣服全都扯成碎片。 两个男的打的我。“

胡佳:是那些国保么?
耿和:是国保,他是跟着我的,两个男的,一米八左右。我现在满嘴是血,牙齿有松动的,右手的小拇指盖整个翻过去了。

胡佳:这是八月十五号他们第一次这么狠得打你么?
耿和:断断续续的没断过,每次做我工作都说,什么事情不能对外讲,这样我们对高的处理没有好的。我就能忍的都忍,今天实在忍不下去了。这么近距离得打好象还是第一次,以前互相骂呀,骂我畜牲、不要脸的呀! "

电话中还谈到耿和十月六号会见高智晟的情况:"他瘦得很单薄, 也没有多说话,因为他们人在 ,他也没多说什么,只让我注意身体,带好孩子,把律师事务所的善后工作解决,让律师调走。

胡佳:你们总共见面有多长时间?
耿和:就这一次,有个二十分钟吧!

胡佳:你感觉上他在里面是否有配合警察的...或说他是否认罪了。
耿和:我看不出来。

这是3个月以来,耿和第三次致电胡佳,而前两次她是在国保威胁之下,要求胡佳不要再管高智晟的事情。而在这次的电话中,耿和透露这些都是国保的意思:"敲门找我做工作,让我给胡佳打电话,让他别管我们家的事,写断绝信,天天就这些。"

高智晟8月15日被警方从山东姐姐家抓捕后,耿和及两个孩子一直处在被公安国保非法跟踪软禁、切断对外通讯以及不断威胁之下,生活在恐惧之中,耿和在电话中说:"幼儿园阿姨和门岗的人说21、22号警察署是证件说要接你们天宇,我们就害怕了(没给她)。警察他们想要接孩子不知是干什么,现在我有病了也要接送孩子。格格连上厕所都有人跟着,我心里特难受。两个女的一个男的,一直跟着格格在楼道里教室里走,孩子学习和生活的环境很糟糕。

我做了什么了我,要不你把我抓起来吧,又不抓我,凭什么对我软禁监视,七十岁的老太太(妈妈)也跟着,凭什么~!从八月十五号到现在,格格和我没有收到一封信,全部都截住,你说这让我们怎么活呀!我强烈要求进去,拘留我三五个月的,让老太太和孩子过平静的生活。"

记者发稿前致电耿和的多个不同号码的电话,始终是无法接通。
以上是自由亚洲电台特约记者丁小的报道。

法院通知证人出席陈光诚案重审

内容:2006.11.23
陈光诚案重审几位重要证人星期四收到法院出庭通知,律师指任何阻挠他们出庭的行为都属违法。而重审能否避免一审时的不公正现象,引起海内外的关注。以下是自由亚洲电台特约记者丁小的采访报道。
下载声音文件
http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/shenrubaodao/2006/11/23/m1123dx2d.mp3
陈光诚的妻子袁伟静、母亲王金香、三哥陈光军及其他几位村民星期四收到了沂南县法院的出庭通知要求他们以证人身份出席下周一陈光诚案的重审。袁伟静星期四对记者说:"沂南县人民法院出庭通知书:我院受理陈光诚故意毁坏财物,聚众扰乱交通秩序一案,现决定于2006年11月27日上午8点半在本院第一审判庭开庭审理。特此通知,请准时出庭作证。我今天上午十一点钟收到的,应该说很意外吧!"
内容: http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/shenrubaodao/2006/11/23/chen/

陈光诚案证人受威胁 家属质疑重审公正性

内容:2006.11.20
山东盲人维权者陈光诚一案重审延期同时,重要证人受公安威胁。陈光诚的律师和家属质疑重审司法公正可能性。以下是自由亚洲电台特约记者丁小的采访报道。
下载声音文件
http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/shenrubaodao/2006/11/20/m1120dxd.mp3
种种事件,令李方平律师对陈光诚案的重审不大乐观:"他原先审判陈光诚的时候是剥夺的他的辩护权,发回重审可能就是形式上补救一下,等于说律师可以参与其中。但是仍然由沂南县法院,而且是同一个厅室去认定的话,我们觉得实体上会不会改变,还不是非常乐观。"
http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/shenrubaodao/2006/11/20/chen/

程翔间谍案维持原判

新世纪新闻网(www.newcenturynews.com)
作者:佚名 文章来源:BBC 点击数:70 更新时间:11/24/2006

北京市高级人民法院星期五(11月24日)上午就程翔间谍案进行二审公开宣判,驳回程翔的上诉及维持原判 。

程翔兄长程曦今早到法庭听取判决,他表示经过30分钟的审讯后,北京市高级人民法院就宣布维持原判。
在北京等候判决的程翔家人,对法院的判决感到痛心。家人又引述程翔重申,从没有将国家机密泄露 。

程翔早前因为间谍案被判监五年 。

程翔关注组表示对北京高级人民法院维持原判感到失望,并宣布会在星期五下午联同程翔太太刘敏仪召开记者会,宣布下一步行动 。
关注组发言人许天福表示,法院没有开庭审讯, 也没有认真审视上诉理据,令上诉得到到公平的处理。

有中国法律学者指出,根据中国法律,今次巳经是终审判决,但程翔仍可以提出申诉,向最高检察院、国家主席及总理申述自己无罪或判刑太重。
香港记者协会表示对北京法院维持原判感到非常失望和愤怒,协会担心判刑会令新闻工作者在中国工作时,会出现自我审查的情况。

程翔于2005年4月于广州被国安人员带走,同年8月5日被正式逮捕。中国当局指他涉嫌2000年起替台湾间谍情报机关搜集国家情报。程翔于被补前是新加坡 "海峡时报" 中国首席特派员。
程翔被扣查期间,部分香港传媒及程翔香港大学公开呼吁,要求公平处理案件,而国际签署则得到超过50万名新闻工作者的签名支持。

万延海被公安局问话后 与家人失去联系

博闻社 北京时间:2006年11月25日11时10分 发布

北京知爱行信息咨询中心(爱知行研究所)负责人万延海在24日被自称北京市公安局的人员叫走问话,至11月25日早晨8点,仍未回到办公室,也未回到家中,且万延海家人已与万延海持续失去联系。

北京知爱行信息咨询中心政策项目协调人黄如方25日发出消息称,2006年11月24日上午十点半,万延海正在中心上班,突然被所在写字楼物业管理人员叫至物业办公室,在物业办公室,四名自称北京市公安局人员的人对万延海进行了持续问话。

至中午一点钟,爱知行研究所工作人员被叫到物业办公室,万延海告知研究所工作人员:原定于26日爱知行主办的"血液安全,艾滋病和法律人权"研讨会停办。并嘱咐要妥善安排已经赴京的参会人员返回原籍。随后,万延海被自称北京市公安局的人员继续留置问话。

晚六点左右,爱知行研究所接到万延海的电话,万延海在电话中询问对安排"血液安全,艾滋病和法律人权"研讨会部分已到京参会人员返回的工作,嘱咐要尽快安排他们离京返回原籍。同事询问万延海身在何处,万延海回答称仍在被问话。此后,万延海的同事和亲属就与万延海持续失去了任何联系,至11月25日早晨8 点,万延海仍未回到办公室,也未回到家中。

Saturday, November 25, 2006

Civil Non-Cooperation Movement: Campaign to Buy My Vote Back (Part II)

[This is the second part of a rough, select translation of the original campaign material]

Section 2 of the original material is collection of statements by the 16 initiators of the action campaign. The statements are basically identical, except minor variations where the concerned individual wants to mark out specific conditions for taking or not taking part in the 2006-07 elections. [A sample of personal statement will be added later.]

Section 3 Open Letter from the Buying-Back Ballots Action Campaign to Voters Nationwide

Dear Respected Voter,

How are you?

If you have rarely voted, or have never voted at all;
If you yourself have never run for any public office;
If you believe the current representative cannot at all express your demands and solve any problems in your life and your work;
If you are worried that someone else may have filled the sacred ballot under your name without your conscience;
If you believe the current representative is unable to condition or monitor on offices of the government;
If you decide to give up your vote in the ongoing elections;
If you decide to vote for independent candidate(s) but are worried your vote may be eliminated by non-transparent election process;
If you are an independent candidate and have no chance to monitor the voting process;
If you do not wish being represented, or led, by people you are not satisfied or even not knowing at all;
If you do not wish to see the continuation of the situation where officials do not have to be responsible [or/and responsive] to voters;
If you do not wish to see repeated tragedy of corrupted individuals driving away honest people;

Please join us in our action campaign!

Voters with valid ballots are the true master of our country! The nature of being the master of our country lies in that, in peaceful times, voters have the rights, via their valid ballot, to select governmental officials; and in warring times, they can voluntarily pick up weapons to defend their homeland!

The only thing you need to do is to mail out a letter via the post office, or a message by your cellphone, a faxed letter, or a voice-mail, and you are part of the action campaign, to declare your sacred rights to the whole world!

To participate in the campaign means you agree that we may announce and count, either publicly or non-publicly, your personal statement. According to your actual experience in the ongoing elections and referring to our action instruction, you can decide for yourself in which way you want to take your own actions. Once your statement is issued, it cannot be invalidated. Please thinking carefully!

Please do not overlook the importance of the ballot in your hand. The same opportunity comes to you only once every five years! It is this opportunity that bestows the legitimacy of our governments at all levels, up to the nation's President!

Initiators and Volunteer Group
Buying-Back Ballots Action Campaign
September 28, 2006


Section 4 Launching Record of the Campaign
By Tang Jingling

A. Origins

The origin of the current action campaign may be traced back to the end of 2003, when I was still thinking of the possibility to run for representative of the People's Congress. That plan had to be given up later on, but continuing thinking along the line of elections eventually led to the idea of the current campaign, in the form of the following text.

1. Once I told a story to people who are interested in the question of citizen's rights to recall government officials.

2. [Once upon] there is a person with a piece of wonderful treasure at home. Unfortunately, as he doesn't know he has this treasure at home, it was purchased at a low price by someone else. The original owner learns about the value of the treasure only after seeing how it is presented by the purchaser. Now he understands how foolish he has been. Nonetheless, he is a good man and with the courage, and the determination, to get his treasure back. Will the buyer let you get it back at the same cheap price?

3. What is this invaluable treasure? It is none other than the citizen's rights as a voter. Recall an elected official is part of the rights.

4. In our People's Republic, as there is no direct elections of national People's Representatives and national government officials, voter's rights are the essential feature of citizens as the country's masters.

5. In a country where public offices are occupied through election process, elections are the foundation of the government's legitimacy to ruling.

6. The year 2007 is the year of "general" elections in the People's Republic of China. Though direct elections in China can reach the district and county levels only, it is this direct election that lays legitimacy foundations for all indirect elections above the district-county level thereafter. Therefore, each of our voters should recognize the sacredness of the potential ballot in our hand. Perhaps the one vote in your hand could not even affect a single name in a township election. Yet, up to the nation's highest government official, the President, all the ruling legitimacy depends on the authorization of your vote.

7. There is no question that the multiple indirect elections in China today are limiting citizen's ability to participate in national politics. To a certain extent, the vote of our ordinary citizens is indeed like the treasure being bought cheaply by others, as told in the story, functioning with tremendous power in the hands of others, despite forever seemingly inconsequential when we speak through it. This is not to mention that, even with such highly limited voting power only, there are always people who work hard to further restrict the space for us to vote according to our free will.

8. Today, I want to tell everyone a method, by which we will be able to buy our invaluable treasure back!

9. Only a possessor of voting power (voting rights) is the true master of the country! Only one who dares using the voting power in hand, as well as knows how to use it, is the true possessor of a voting ballot!

10. If there is no independent candidates in your election district, or no current candidates matching your voting wish, or you simply do not want to vote this time but are still willing to express your political rights and will, please join me. Please join me to express your will of participation through the following steps.

11. One statement: Tang Jingling, registered voter of Longhu District of Shantou City in Guangdong Province, decides, in the local elections of 2007, to not go through voter registration, not take any ballot, and not participate in any manner in the elections of this round.
If you decide to participate in the elections and then vote for abstention, you can simply say so in your statement.

12. One letter: Please send out your statement through post office, e-mail, cellphone messaging, or faxing to the volunteers of our action campaign who are working in your province.

13. You may also help in your statement your relatives, friends and colleagues to defend their sacred rights. Of course, the prerequisites of doing so is to have their conscience and authorization in advance, after explaining the meaning of the action to them carefully.
If you are sending such statement(s) by letter through post office or faxing, you should have the personal signature or finger-print (when the authorizing individual is illiterate) of the concerned individual.

14. This will be the only way where we can take up the responsibility of a citizen and to express our determination not to be compromised into illegal cooperation with evil forces, when there might be someone trying to attack or suppress independent candidates, steal votes, committing in voting frauds and other ways, to coercively take the position to politically represent us.

15. Fellow citizens! If you do not wish to let this once of five-year election opportunity become a temporary reciting exercise by those who have been stealing our voting rights to strengthen their own ruling legitimacy, please take action, now!

16. Launching: Once the current action has collected 100 signature, the campaign is officially launched. If it is less than 100 signature before October 2006, Tang Jinglin will publish his own statement individually.

B. Launching Process

I [Tang Jingling] distributed the text pasted above, plus other related documents, to friends by private channels, inviting them to join me as initiators. At the beginning, my idea was to invite up to 100 people before October and then openly launch the campaign. After reading my text, a friend, who is a famous scholar, pointed out a pessimistic prospect that it would be lucky if the campaign could reach the targeted 100 by the proposed ending date. Even so, I was still not prepared to see how slow the campaign has been progressing. Finally, by September 27, 2006, some thirty people in total joined into the launching.

With feed-backs from friends and other initiators who had joined me in the project, I started considering the possibility of revising the launching conditions, as well as specific directions the campaign might eventually take.

By my original idea, it would not have been possible to launch the campaign realistically on a given date. In the process of inviting participants and revising the text, I became even more acutely aware that, if we don't treasure our own rights as the master of our country, we'll be indeed worth only to be ruled as slaves. The only difference is simply who will be our lord. Understanding like this further strengthened my resolution to carry on this action, even if there would be me myself as the only one left by the end. I will not stop at publicizing my own personal statement.

Fortunately, after I posted the revised version of the launching text, there were still 15 citizens who decided to stand by my side whole-heartedly.

I want to thank all the friends who took part in the process, especially those friends who voiced their suggestions and criticisms very frankly. To be frank is one of the noble features.

There are other friends, who contributed invaluable ideas and energy to the final text, and whose names are not appropriate to be mentioned here. I very much regret that these 14 citizens, who either didn't catch the stated deadline, or joined the campaign at first but later quited because of disagreement over the revised version of the text. Following the rules we set for ourselves in the text, I cannot publicly express my appreciation of and gratitude to them here. Their intelligence, courage, and open-mindedness are all truly admirable.

C. Questions and Answers (E-mail exchanges omitted)


Section 5 Instructions of the Buying-Back Ballots Action Campaign (Excerpt)

D. Campaign Period

Starting Date: September 30, 2006
Ending Date: January 31, 2008

According to government announcements, the current round of China's local elections will last to December 31, 2007.
Accordingly, our campaign will continue up to January 31, 2008, to leave enough time for all voting-age citizens to be able to join the action.
All volunteers will stop accepting individual statements by the ending date. The final statistics will be published by the action campaign and be based on all the data collected up to the ending date.

Citizens issuing similar statements after the ending date listed above will not be considered as participating in the current action campaign.

However, for every citizen following the instruction of our campaign to issue her or his statement of the same effect, such statement has the legal binding power according to Chinese laws during the time period before the next round of local elections in 2011-2012.

This last note is particularly important to those whose statements indicate that they are not taking part in the current round of local elections only.

Section 6 Biographical Information of the Initiators and Some Volunteers

Tang Jingling

December 1971 Born at Yaojia Cun village, Mishi Township, Jingzhou City in Hubei Province
Sep 1978 - June 1989 Attending elementary and secondary schools at hometown
Oct 1989 Shanghai Transportation University, study chemistry.
July 1993 - Dec 1995 Industrial engineer in a company at Shantou City, Guangdong Province.
Jan 1996 - Nov 1997, Transfer to another firm in Shantou; promoted to management position(s).
July 1997 Take part in training program run by the Law School at Shantou University
Oct 1997 Take Bar qualification examinations and pass all the tests.
Nov 1997 - July 1998 Transfer to a HK invested retail company, in charge of selling and management.
Aug 1998 Receive certificate of being a lawyer.
Sep 1998 Start intern training in a law firm in Guangzhou
Nov 1999 Awarded license of lawyer; start working as an independent lawyer.
Mar 2000 Join Hua-zhi-jie Law Firm as a licensed lawyer.
July 2004 Defense lawyer in two cases of labor dispute in Dongguan, Guangdong Province; Ten workers were released on New Year Day, 2005, after being detained for more than nine months; Later, help all the ten workers receive "humanitarian compensations from their former employer.
2005 Defense lawyer in cases of cadre-recall dispute in the Shibi san cun village.
Aug 2005 Lawyer in the recall dispute taking place in Taishi Village. Secretary of the law firm resigned due to official pressures over the case.
Nov 2005 The law firm released me from my job contract prematurely; All those arrested in Taishi were released.
April 2006 Accepted by another law firm at first, but then rejected me, refusing to complete the registration process of my Bar license.

Present: No license returned to me since last spring; engaged in activities promoting legal education to migrant workers; public appeals over cases concerning freedom of speech; working as legal consultant and translator of English and Chinese, to make a living.

Living in Qilin gang, Shatai Lu Road, Guangzhou City.

Liu Dejun

April 14, 1976 Born in a peasant family at Suizhou City in Hupei Province; Experience real lives of the disadvantaged social groups; Giving up studies in physics to devote to social activism aiming at social equality and justice.
1996 Graduation from Police College and start working in Xiangfan City, Hubei Province.
2000 Resigned from previous job; devote main energy to activism of promoting citizen's consciousness, with determination to devote the whole life to it.

Section 7 Contact Information (Excerpt)

Tang Jingling, initiator and volunteer
E-mail: bashifen@gmail.com
MSN: ginlian@hotmail.com
QQ:11160916
Skype:don_gin

Liu Dejun, initiator and volunteer
E-mail: liudejun76@yahoo.com.cn
MSN:josephliu76@hotmail.com
Cellphone: 13997862065

Wu Yiran, initiator
E-mail: zmdd89@hotmail.com

Section 8 Report on Progress

By November 3, there were 50 people in total signing up to the action, by issuing their individual statements.

(Details omitted)

===THE END===

(ZT) 中国公民不合作运动:赎回选票行动(第三部分)

[注:这里转载的第三部分是原文的第六部分到第八部分。至此全文转载完毕]


第六部分 发起人和义工自传

唐荆陵自传

1971年12月(农历10月)出生于湖北省荆州市弥市镇姚家村(原江陵县)。于1978年9月至1989年6月在家乡接受小学和中学教育,少而有志。1989年10月入上海交通大学应用化学系高分子材料专业,1993年毕业后分配至现户籍地广东汕头。

1993年7至1995年12月期间在汕头海洋集团公司工作,先后任职于集团属下的聚酯片基厂、聚酯切片厂、聚苯乙烯树脂厂,担任化学工程技术人员,从事聚酯改性研究和树脂合成生产工作。
1996年1月至1997年11月在汕头保税区美琪贸易有限公司工作。初任管理课事务员,负责公司考勤和日常行政事务。旋升管理课长,负责管理课 事务,包含人事行政管理。因立志从事增进自由和维护人性尊严的事业,1997年7月参加汕头大学法学院法律培训,10月参加律师资格考试并通过。

1997年11月至1998年7月转入汕头明珠广场购物中心,该中心为一家港资集团(汕头锦龙集团,业务以地产、成衣为主)下属高档商场。初任零售部主任,负责办公室日常管理,后调升经理助理,协助经理管理属下各营业区域。

1998年8月获颁律师资格证书后开始联络律师事务所准备实习。1998年9到位于广州的广东广大律师事务所开始律师实习。1999年11月取得律师执照开始独立执业。2000年3月转入广东华之杰律师事务所担任专职律师。

2004 年7月开始介入东莞兴昂劳工骚乱案件,担任两宗案件中两名被告的辩护律师。后因此事被东莞市司法局拒绝给予当地注册,仍旧调回广州总所。2005年1月1 日,羁押9个多月的10名劳工被告全部被缓刑释放。随后,我协助该案所有10名被告取得其所在公司董事长个人给予的相当于其9个月个人工资的"人道补助 "。

2005年另外还担任番禺石壁三村罢免案件被罢免人和新当选的原罢免提案人名誉侵权纠纷的代理律师。

2005年8月底介入太石村罢免事 件。担任因参与罢免被迫害村民的行政诉讼代理律师和辩护律师。支持我依法办案的律师事务所主任在政治压力下被解职。随后,律师所在政治压迫下于2005年 11月提前解除我的律师聘用合同。2005年12月19日,太石事件中的所有被拘押人员均被释放。2006年4月我转所注册时,接收我的律师所在政治压力 下撤回了我的注册手续,故律师执业证一直被停用至今。

在工作之余,积极推动流动劳工的法律常识普及工作。以法律从业人员身份多次参与争取言论自由的公众呼吁。连续多年担任交通大学广东校友会理事并发挥积极作用。

目前以担任法律顾问和从事一些英文资料翻译维持生活。居住在广州市沙太路麒麟岗。

刘德军自传
1976年农历年4月14日生,湖北省随州市人,出身于农民家庭。因此能看到更多弱势群体的真实生存状况,故放弃对物理学的追求,致力于社会的公平和正义。
1996年毕业于警官学院后分配于襄樊工作,2000年辞职。一直致力于宣传公民意识,意在促使全民公民意识的觉醒,虽收效不大,但我将不懈努力,以此作为一生的目标。

第七部分 发起人和义工的联系方法

一、正式网站网址
暂时空缺并征集中。

二、其他联系方法

唐荆陵----发起人兼义工
1、 小灵通:该号码已经在2006年10月9日被政府命令停止服务 (可接收和回复短信);
2、 通信地址:广州市麒麟岗南路1 号 404 房,邮政编码:510515 。
3、 电子通讯:bashifen@gmail.com。MSN: ginlian@hotmail.com。QQ:11160916。Skype:don_gin
4、 传真:未开通

刘德军----发起人兼义工
1、电子通讯:liudejun76@yahoo.com.cn,liudejun76@163.com.
MSN:josephliu76@hotmail.com
2、个人手机:13997862065

吴一然-----发起人
1、 电子通讯:zmdd89@hotmail.com


第八部分 行动公报

17、吴敦红在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
吴敦红,安徽省马鞍山市金家庄区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/9/30

附加公报:刘德军和唐荆陵在西路论坛开设博客,发表和本行动有关的文件,不能发表。

18、林信舒在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
林信舒,福建福州市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/3

19、黄伟龙在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
黄伟龙,广东选民,为抗议不公正的选举,在2006/2007年人大代表换届选举期间,我将不登记为自己所在选区的选民,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次换届选举的投票,并呼吁广大选民参与到这个行动中来。-----2006年10月4日

20、李苏滨在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
李苏滨,河南洛阳选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/5

21、李剑虹在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
李剑虹(网名小乔),上海市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/5

22、李建强在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
李建强,山东青岛市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/9

23、陈宇在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
陈宇,重庆市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/9

24、赵天春在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
赵天春,四川南充市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/9

附加公报:今天,唐荆陵公告的电话8620-33327144被停机,询问电信部门,其服务人员声称是接到城管部门通知说是乱发广告被停机。公告中的电子邮件bashifen@gmail.com发送邮件功能不能正常工作.

25、綦彦臣在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
綦彦臣,河北省泊头市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/9

26、刘飞跃在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
刘飞跃,湖北省随州市曾都区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/10/12

27、曹春生在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
曹春生,上海市徐汇区的公民,决定在该地2007 年度的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/10/13

28、滕彪在 2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
滕彪,北京市昌平区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/15

29、段海宇在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
段海宇,福建泉州市丰泽区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/17

30、唐彬在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
唐彬,湖南永州市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/17

31、汪艳芳在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
汪艳芳,湖北武汉市东西湖区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/17

32、汪志伟在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
汪志伟,湖北武汉市东西湖区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/17

33、叶路在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
我是中国自由联盟成员,在我们团体未得到当局承认和正式注册前提下,我不通过任何方式参与本次2006-2007年四川西昌的换届选举投票!-----2006/10/18

附加公报:从2006年9月29日至今日,刘德军为赎回选票行动开设的个人博客就被封闭。http://danjihuanqiu.blog.tom.com。现仍然不能打开。

34、荣子立在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
荣子立,山东滨州选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/19

35、刘荻在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
刘荻,北京朝阳区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/24

36、邹光旭在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
邹光旭,山东东营河口选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/25

37、冯明华在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
冯明华,浙江杭州下城区选民,决定在该地2007 年度的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/10/27

38、杨波在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
杨波,湖南长沙市雨花区选民,决定在该地 2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/10/27

39、蔡陆军在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
蔡陆军,河北省石家庄市新华区的公民。本人以往在单位包办的情 况下只能采取不投票的方式来抵制选举大戏,只参加过在看守所中的选举,将看守所所长的名字画叉,填上自己的名字。这次决定在石家庄市2006-2007年 度的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/10/29。

40、雷跃辉在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
雷跃辉,江西省鹰潭市月湖区选民,决定在该地2007 年度的"人大代表"换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/10/29

41、赵汉青关于中华人民共和国换届选举的个人声明
赵汉青,黑龙江省尔滨市动力区(现动力区香坊区合并中)的公民,本人只参与过1996 -1997年度中华人民共和国换届选举且把选票投给了自己。从那时起,本人不再参加选民登记,今后也将不参加这类官方标定候选人的划圈运动。-----2006/10/29

42、李海在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
李海,北京朝阳区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/29

43、车宏年在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
车宏年,山东省济南市历下区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006年10月29日

附加公报:29日经参与本行动的河北公民蔡陆军先生提议,30日时任发起人兼义工的刘德军和唐荆陵商议,一致同意将本行动的标题改为《中国公民不合作运动---赎回选票行动》,文件中相应文字一并修正。

44、吕耿松在2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
吕耿松,浙江省杭州市选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/31

45、江天勇在2006-2007年度中国大陆换届选举中的个人声明
江天勇,河南省郑州市中原区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/10/31

46、冯正虎在2006-2007年度中国大陆换届选举中的个人声明
义工唐荆陵注:冯先生所发来的个人声明是一个积极参与选举投票的声明。该声明反映了他对选举权利本身和赎回选票行动精神内涵的准确把握。为保证其内容的完整性,全文予以刊发。
冯正虎,上海市杨浦区选民。
唐荆陵先生:
您好。谢谢您的信任与邀请。
您的倡导及行动是合法的、正确的。公民已不再漠视自己的政治权利,自觉从奴仆地位回归到主人的地位,自己主宰自己的参政意愿。我很赞同您们的做法,这与独 立候选人竞选的目的是一样的,都是在维护自己的政治权利,以不同的方式都在努力让选举变得真实,让人民代表负起责任,让公民权利得到保障。个人不参加选 举、坐在家里绝食维权,都是个人的选择,作为个体对社会没有影响,也就没有社会意义,但是公开声明自己的选择就有示范意义,表明了一个公民的政治觉悟与权 利意识,就会影响与推动整个公民社会的成长。
我的个人选择是参加2007年的地方人大代表选举。我会在选举中对候选人提出要求,要求他们信守承诺、履行宪法法律规定的职责、为民请愿。我想,绝大多数 候选人都会许诺。如果官方机构推举的候选人连哄人的本领都没有,官方机构是不会选择这帮蠢才来帮倒忙的。我会在矮子里选长子,让他为人民服务。我是用选票 购买人大代表的服务。在中国现行的选举体制里,县区以上代表是间接选举,那么我就可以用一张选票购买整个中国的人大代表,我就有权要求任何一个人大代表为 我提供服务,他不提供服务也不行,因为我们之间有契约,这张契约就是宪法及相关法律规定。即使我的一张选票可能直接购买了一个很差的人大代表,但是通过间 接代理购买的原则,我获得了购买全部人大代表五年内为我服务的权利。我可以在五年里随时依法使用我的权利,监督他们、要求他们、追究他们,当然也要支持与 帮助他们履行人民代表的职责。我相信,越来越多参加选举的公民都会像我一样,意识到自己的政治权利也是有价的,不会白白送人,要有回报,会理直气壮地向每 个人大代表索求服务。每个人大代表必须为民请愿、代表人民监督"一府二院",这是他们的本职工作。有冤屈的选民不是去信访办,应当找人大代表代理请愿;有 政策提议的选民,也应当去找人大代表代理提议;人民代表接待选民,天经地义,法律规定,即使选民天天去他办公室找他服务,他也必须接待,他没有热情、能力 胜任人民代表的工作或者觉得麻烦可以自己辞职让贤,没有谁强迫他做人民代表。如果公民都爱惜自己的政治权利,人大代表也会很快转变成真正的人民代表。
以上是我个人的声明,如果您认为合适,也可以公开。-----2006年11月1日

47、胡旭东在2006-2007年度中国大陆换届选举中的个人声明
胡旭东,新疆维吾尔族自治区博乐选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,也不通过任何方式参与本次投票。-----2006/11/1

48、尼斯勒在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
尼斯勒,北京市东城区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006年11月1日

49、殷俊良在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
殷俊良,河南省郑州市中原区公民,决定在该地2007年度的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/11/2。

50、牟波在2006 -2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明
牟波,上海市普陀区的公民,决定在该地2007年度的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。-----2006/11/3

Tuesday, November 07, 2006

(ZT)中国公民不合作运动:赎回选票行动(第二部分)

[说明:本博客转载的“第二部分“包含原文的第二至第五部分]

第二部分 发起人声明

1、任畹町在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:任畹町,北京市公民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月2日

2、侯文卓在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:侯文卓,天津市选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月4日

3、黄晓强在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:黄晓强,广东省佛山市三水区选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月4日

4、郭永丰在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:郭永丰,甘肃省武都县选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月5日

5、李维忠在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:李维忠,湖南省益阳选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月5日

6、万征在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:万征,浙江嘉兴选民,我不会选任何不与选民见面的所谓“人大代表候选人“。届时,如果没有一个人大代表候选人与选民见面,我将在2007年的地方人大代表选举中投弃权票。——2006年9月5日

7、刘安平在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:刘安平,广东省广州市选民。愿意参与发起并声明自己不参加2007基层人大代表选举,因为没有我认可的候选人,所以我声明公开放弃自己此次的选举权(并不表明我永远放弃),除非出现我认可的候选人。——2006年9月5日

8、黄登贵在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:黄登贵,广东省广州市海珠区选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月6日

9、刘德军在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:刘德军,湖北省襄樊市襄阳区选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月6日

10、范士贵在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:范士贵,湖北省武汉市选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月8日

11、吴一然在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:吴一然,北京市选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月10日

12、程广瑞在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:程广瑞,江苏省徐州市云龙区选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月12日

13、张治儒在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:张治儒,湖南省邵阳市洞口县选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月14日

13、王飞在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:王飞,北京市房山区选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月14日

13、杨在新在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:杨在新,广西壮族自治区合浦县选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年9月14日

13、唐荆陵在2006-2007年度中华人民共和国换届选举中的个人声明:唐荆陵,广东省汕头市龙湖区选民,决定在该地2007年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。——2006年8月30日

第三部分 赎回选票行动致全国选民的一封信

尊敬的选民:

你好!

如果你很少投票,甚至根本就没有投过票;
如果你本人也从没有参加过任何竞选;
如果你认为现在的代表无法表达你的意愿,无法解决你生活工作中的任何困难;
如果你担心有人擅自填写了你那神圣一票;
如果你认为现在的代表无力约束和监督政府各级部门;
如果你在本次选举中投了弃权票;
如果你将自己的选票投给了独立候选人却担心被黑箱操作排除了你的投票;
如果你是独立候选人,却没有机会监察选票的点算;

如果你不希望被你不满意、不认识的人来代表或领导你;
如果你不希望政府官员不对选民负责的状况继续下去;
如果你不希望贪腐之徒排挤廉能正直之士的悲剧继续上演;
那就参加我们的行动吧!选票的持有者才是国家的主人!国家主人的身份实质,就是在和平的年代,他们有权投下选票选举国家官员;在动荡的岁月,他们可以根据自愿拿起武器保卫家园!

你只需要一封平信,一个手机短信,一个传真,一个即时通讯留言,就可以参加这个行动,从而向世界宣告你的神圣权利!

你参加本次行动,表明你同意我们通过公开或者不公开的方式,在本届换届选举中发出和统计你的个人声明。你可以根据你在本次选举中的实际经历,参照我们的行动指南,决定你的行动方式。该声明是不可撤消的,请慎重考虑!

请不要忽视你手中的一票!这样的机会 5年才有一次!正是它赋予了国家主席及各级政权合法地位!

赎回选票行动发起人和义工小组
2006年9月28日

第四部分 赎回选票行动发起记录

A 缘起
唐荆陵

对我来说,本次行动的源头应该追溯到2003年底。当时,我在考虑着参加2007年的换届选举,希望到时竞选人大代表。在随后的几年中,我为此做了 一些准备,并和一些朋友交流。到了2006年的6月,所有的有关经历和思考又引出了一个新的设想:直接竞选省级乃至全国人大代表的可行性和意义,甚至具体 的操作方案。我再次和一些朋友进行交流,搜集了一些资料,最终却不得不放弃了这个想法。直到2006年8月底的一天晚上,似乎是水到渠成地有了这个设想。 于是有了以下的这一段文字。

1 我曾给一些关注公民罢免的人士讲过一个故事:
2 有一个人,家里有个宝贝,但他自己不知道这是个宝。被识货的人看到了,就给低价买走了。这原主人看见人家拿这个宝贝用,才知道自己做了冤大头。但他还算出息,有勇气去要回来,但别人会用原来买走时的价格让你买回去么?
3 这个宝是什么呢?就是公民的选举权。罢免作为一种定向淘汰,也属于广义上的选举权的一部份。

4在共和国里,由于不实行直接的公民统治,选举权是公民作为国家主人身份的根本标记。

5在一个执掌公共权力的人物由选举产生的国家,选举是政权合法性的根基。

6 二○○七年是中华人民共和国的普选年,虽然这个共和国的直接选举只进行到区县一级,但正是这个直接选举为以后的所有间接选举奠定了合法性根基。因此,我们 每个选民应认识到手中一票的神圣性。也许你的一票甚至根本不能反映哪怕一个乡镇长候选人的名字,但是,即使是国家主席的合法地位也是由你赋予的。

7 无疑,过多层级的间接选举限制了选民对宏观政治的干预能力。从某种程度上,我们普通公民的一票真的成了故事中只能被人廉价取去的宝物,在别人手中是呼风唤 雨,我们投出去则似乎声息皆无,更何况就连这么不充分的投票权,还有人连我们按自已意愿投票的空间也要一再拼命压缩。

8 我今天要给大家一个方法,将我们的宝贝赎回来!

9因为,选票的拥有者才是国家的主人!敢于和善于使用选票的人才是真正的选票拥有者!
10 如果在你的选区没有独立的候选人,或者,现有的所有候选人都不符合你的投票意愿,或者,你单纯的就不想投票,却仍然希望表达自己的政治权利和意愿,请你和我一样,通过以下方式来表达你的参选意志:

11一个声明:唐荆陵,广东省汕头市龙湖区选民,决定在该地 2007 年的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。
如果你决定参加选举,并决定在选举中投弃权票,你也可以单纯声明投弃权票。

12一封平信:请将上述声明通过邮局、电子邮件、手机短信、传真等其中一种方式送交给你所在省份的八毛钱赎回选票行动的义工。

13 你甚至可以在一个声明中帮助你的家人、朋友、同事完成保卫自己神圣一票的任务,当然,前提是你要向他们详细解释这样做的意义并取得他们的同意。如果你是通过信件和传真来发送这样的文件,你应让他们本人签名或者画押(适用于不识字的选民)。

14 如果有人试图通过打击和压制独立候选人、窃取选票或者盗名投票等不道德手段来强制代表我们,这是我们承担自己公民责任的唯一办法,并表明我们不与邪恶和非法合作的决心!

15 公民们!如果你不希望这5年一次的选举机会成为那些几乎一劳永逸或强制地代表我们的人们加强其合法性的临时背书,请行动起来!

16发起:本行动征集到首 100名参与者时,正式开始发起。如果在本年 10 月之前未征集到首100 人,唐荆陵将只发表自己的声明。

B 发起经过
唐荆陵

我将这个征集信和一些必要的附属文件通过私下募集的方式发给朋友们,请他们参与到发起中来。我最开始的设想,是要在10月之前达到100人才公开发 起行动。虽然一位卓有声誉的朋友在一开始看到这个文本时,就指出整个行动最终能达到100人就不错了的悲观前景,我还是没有想到进展是如此缓慢。最终到 2006年9月27日,总共才30人参与了前期发起。
在9月15号左右,我就在一些朋友和当时的一些发起人的建议下开始考虑修订发起条件的可能性和修改的具体方向。

按照原来的发起条件,显然不能是发起的。在征集发起人和修改文本的过程中,我体会到,如果我们不珍惜自己作为国家主人的权利,我们的确就只配被奴 役,只是主子是谁的问题。这样的认识使我更坚定了发起这个行动的想法,哪怕最终只有我一人。我不打算只是发表我的个人声明就算了事。

幸运的是,当我提出修订后,仍然有15位公民毫无保留地和我站在了一起。
我 要感谢那些参与了这个过程的所有朋友!尤其是那些提出了毫不保留的建议和批评的朋友,因为坦率是最高贵的品质之一。在文件的文本中,还有一些朋友贡献了宝 贵的心血。这里就不适合提他们的名字了。让我感到十分可惜的是,对那些因为来不及参加或者不赞成修改发起文本却参与了前期发起的14位公民,按照原来的发 起文本约定的条件,我却不能在此向他们表示公开的感谢和赞礼。他们在这个问题上表现出来的胸怀、见识和勇气都是值得敬佩的。

C 答疑

以下这部分是征集发起人的过程中,和一些朋友的问答,应该对参与的人们有启迪作用。

06年9月4日答疑
有关建议及问题
为了保证参与此项行动的安全性,对于"八毛钱赎回选票行动"有几个问题,希望能够给予解答。
1、行动名称中的"八毛钱"有什么特殊含义吗?
2、本次行动是否能确保其安全性?
3、本人若参加此次行动,以手机短信、电子邮件等方式是否安全?

唐荆陵答复:
感谢您的热情关注。
对于您的问题分别答复如下:
1、 八毛钱指的是公开发表声明的几种方法(邮局、电子邮件、手机短信、传真)中,最贵的方式是发一个平信给统计义工,这个方式是一张八毛的邮票。
2、 本次行动在我作为一个执业超过6年的律师看来,是完全合法的。但不排除任何参与者可能仅仅因为参与本次行动而受到某种迫害。如果是担任统计义工和其他负 担重要职责的义工,上述风险尤其不能排除。但如果这是争取自由必须支付的代价,每个人必须自己衡量是否值得,并决定参与到何种程度。
3、 本次行动的主要内容是公开发表每个参与者的个人声明。如果"安全"是指隐秘性,则与活动性质相悖。其他关于安全性的关心,请参阅第2点。

以下是06年9月5日我在MSN上和一位网友的对话节选。为方便起见,对话进行了适当合并,但无修改。该网友的名字已经隐藏。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:请提意见。最好参与。机会难得。我等你回复。
友 说:好的。我觉得不参与选举作用似乎不大,倒是泛蓝联盟主动参与选举是比较好的方式。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:你有参加泛蓝的选举吗?如果没有,就参加这里。两者意义一样重大。
友 说:没参加。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:有困难吗?
友 说:这个活动号召力不大。还是主动参与选举更好。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:为什么要做号召力大的事呢?我只能做些小事。如果小事都不能做,就更不能做事了。你能参与选举吗?如果参与,我愿意帮助呼吁。
友 说:我的户口不在本地,没法参与。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:那你可以参加这个行动啊。或者帮助你所在地的独立候选人竞选。如果你没有任何途径参与竞选,我觉得能做的就是参与这个行动。
友 说:我不是很明白这个行动的意义。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:和竞选的意义一样啊。可以向世人宣布,我的这一票虽然十分渺小,但绝对不容践踏。或者,你可以认为这完全没有意义,但你愿不愿意将你的那一票给我?如 果你投出去也不是符合自己的意愿,或者你的票被别人给胡乱填写了你根本不认识的人。我只是在这次要你的这一票。我不会一劳永逸地代表你。
友 说:我们现在只有社区选举,选票没法通用。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:不需要你投我的票。我也许和你选区根本不同。你可以象我一样的发出声明并将声明给我,就等于在这次选举中将你的票给了我。当然,你要注意,如果符合了文件中规定的条件,你的声明是要公开的。
友 说:可不同地域的选票没法合并用。我给你也没用的。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:好。我明白你的意思了。谢谢你的关心!

06年9月5日答疑。网友名字已经隐藏。此是节选。
一 说:我看完了,一定要用真名发表声明吗?
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:是啊。
一 说:住址及联系方式也要用真的吗?
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:但是如果不足10月前我找不到100名,我就只发表我自己的。如果你不做统计义工,不需要地址。但要指明所属选区。
一 说:一般不是社区选举吗?选居委会主任。又没有普选。相信很多人都没行使过选举权。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:没有行使过选举权的人们我希望他们将他们的选票都通过这个方式给我。
………
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:你太勇敢了。我今天下午联系了几个人,你竟然是唯一立即答应的。
一 说:我是湖南长沙人,我是属于北京选民还是长沙选民?
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:那你是长沙选民。如果你做统计义工,就要象我一样提供详细的可供收集选票的联系方法。但在正式发起之前,该地址不会公开。我的例外。我的已经在较大范围公开了。你看我住广州,是汕头选民。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:太谢谢你了。好多男士竟然不敢将自己的选票给我,而我还不是象有的人那样要一劳永逸地代表他。谢谢!
一 说:不用谢,这是我们应该做的。

06年9月5日答疑。网友名字已经隐藏。此是节选。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:请提些意见,如果能参与最好。
二 说:也就是说表达一下对现行选举制度的不满吧?
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:何必表达不满呢?那没有意义。
二 说:我曾经用积极的方式参与地方选举,但涉入就感觉到当今所谓选举的强奸性。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:那你可能更容易发现这个方案有什么缺点和优点。
二 说:缺点是令人感觉到只是在主张消极的权利。优点是可以告诉人们,我们有不合作与抗议的权利。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:优点是可以看出到底有多少人真正在意这个权利,在意到什么程度,我们对普通选民的影响真正有多少,我们的行动能力和行动智慧真的有多少。(也是我们在 当前选举制度下唯一可以操练的跨省选举的办法,本句为后来添加)。你能参加吗?不必急着答复。本质上这是个不合作行动。
二 说:如果我不积极参加地方选举,就将支持你的倡议。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:你现在开始竞选了吗?现在已经开始很久了。
二 说:我在单位里,选民登记是不需要自己个人去的。
唐荆陵(非暴力的恩典) 说:那如果你参加,需要调整一下声明的内容。每一个声明都是个人的。

06年9月6日答疑:
老唐你好:
八毛行动的邮件我收到了。但有点不太明白的地方,比如我,户口在外地,从来没登记参加过选举,也从来没人来收买我的选票,这意味着我事实上一直在放弃选举吧(唐荆陵评注:实际上你不一定放弃了,因为完全有可能有人用了你这张选票。这样,你就被强制"代表"了。)?
在这种情况下,如果参与到八毛行动中,其意义是否完全是一个不合作的声明?并最后由个体的声明汇聚成一个不合作的洪流,公示天下?
另外,为什么叫赎回选票?我没看到有"赎"的程序啊。——朋友来信。

唐荆陵回复:
你很能掌握实质啊!"赎"是指必须将自己的声明发给特定的统计义工,这要消耗时间、金钱,而不是消极放弃了事。
设想是每省的统计义工只负责本省的,统计义工实质上相当于参与了竞选。从目前发展来看,似乎有些困难。

06年9月7日答疑
我很赞同和支持荆陵的努力,这也是一种有组织的不合作运动。如果说积极支持几位先驱者以民间独立候选人身份,参选地方人 大代表,是一种积极的进攻性的自由举动,那么,像荆陵这样提倡和发起的这种赎回自己神圣选票的行动,则是一种带有消极自由主义色彩的不合作行动。显然,两 者的目标和诉求事实上是一致的,即希望争取每个个体作为公民的基本权利不被当权者任意褫夺和蹂躏。
我觉得,荆陵的倡议很有意义,语言也组织得非常严密而且很有力量,但考虑到中国的国情,不知可否考虑将语言略作变通,使其显得更加通俗化口语化一些?另外,是否需要就此倡议和行动的前景,作一些基于调查所获数据的基本评估?
LAP

唐荆陵回复:感谢刘兄此议。亦能烛照其含义。


第五部分 赎回选票行动指南

A 总则

1、 本指南的修改应由发起人和义工小组的过半数决议方为有效。修改不得溯及既往。
2、 发起人或者义工因外部障碍不能履行职责时,剩余的发起人和义工小组成员四分之一多数决议可以宣布暂时中止该席发起人或者义工的职责。外部障碍消除时,该席发起人或者义工的职责自动恢复。
3、 汇总资料的发布人可以由发起人和义工小组全体过半数决议确定。

B 参与者的守则

参与者行动只限于本指南指定的范围:
1、签署真实的名字,提供真实的选区地址;
2、通过指定的通讯方式发表声明;通讯联络方法参阅第七部分的发起人和义工联系方法。
3、同一类别而互相熟悉的选民可用共同声明加联合签名的形式合并发表声明。
4、 参与者对义工守则第四条的不被接受的情形不服的,可以向任意一位发起人提出异议以审核义工的决定是否成立。
5、 参与者向一位义工发出自己的声明,就意味着不可撤消地授权我们发表和统计该声明。

以下是几种可供参考的声明格式。格式中使用字母的地方请根据你的真实情况填写。你也可以单独考虑自己的声明文本,但应该符合本文件第三和第四部分所宣示的宗旨。否则可能不被接受。

格式一:适用于明确不参加选举的公民(简称"三不")
XXX,YYY省(市)ZZZ区(县或者镇)的公民,决定在该地2007 年度的换届选举中,不参加选民登记,不去领取选票,不通过任何方式参加本次投票。
或者:XXX,YYY省(市)ZZZ区(县或者镇)的选民,决定在该地2007 年度的换届选举中,拒绝投票。

格式二:适用于独立候选人和独立候选人的支持者(简称"支持独立候选人")
XXX,YYY省(市)ZZZ区(县或者镇)的选民,在2007年度的换届选举中,已经投票给INDEP独立候选人
特别提示:独立候选人可以向自己的支持者请求提供投票内容,以消解计票过程的黑箱作业。

格式三:适用于投弃权票和特意投废票的选民(简称"弃权")
XXX,YYY省(市)ZZZ区(县或者镇)的选民,在2007年度的换届选举中,投了弃权票。
或者:XXX,YYY省(市)ZZZ区(县或者镇)的选民,在2007年度的换届选举中,特意投了废票。

格式四:适用于根本没有参加投票和选举的公民(简称"三无")
XXX,YYY省(市)ZZZ区(县或者镇)的公民,没有参加2007年度的投票和选举。

C 发起人和义工守则

1、 义工应接受选民的声明并汇总资料。当前资料汇总接收邮箱为bashifen@gmail.com。 网站开通后,由网站担任管理员的义工负责汇总。汇总资料在每月最后一个周五上午12点(北京时间)前发布;所有义工应在每月最后一个周四下午12点(北京 时间)前将最新资料发到汇总接收处。掌管汇总接收的人员承担发布职责。承担发布职责的义工应注意不要遗漏任何一位义工的数据。
2、 义工应尽可能多地提供自己的有效联系方法,并通过各种正当和可行的途径传播本行动的文本;
3、 义工和发起人应尽量提供本人的自传,以便全国选民了解自己;
4、 义工应该对公民自拟文本的声明进行甄别,如认为不符合本行动宗旨,应及时将自己的判断回复给选民并沟通修改,如选民不能修改到该义工认为合适,该声明将不予接受,不计入本行动的统计结果。义工应明确将自己的决定告知来信的公民。
5、 增加义工的程序和条件
必须是中华人民共和国公民(不一定是选民),自己向现有的义工或者发起人提出申请,申请应包含自传和有效联系方法。申请必须得到至少两位义工或者发起人的明确同意方为通过。发起人公开自己的联系方法,可以自动成为义工。
6、 正式专用网站的选定
个人的或者公共的网站可以申请成为本行动的官方发布网站。申请应由网站的所有者提出。得到至少三位义工或者发起 人的同意者可以成为本行动的官方网站。本行动的正式官方网站将成为本行动的信息首发站,该站可以接受选民的参与。为方便海外选民和国内选民,上述网站可以 各设置一个,但网站不得超过两个。网站的至少一位管理员必须同时是本行动的义工。

D 行动的期限

本行动的开始日期:2006年9月30日,截止日期:2008年1月31日。
根据公开的资料,换届选举将持续到2007年12月31日。本行动将持续到2008年1月31日,以保证参加最后一轮投票的选民有足够的时间参与本行动。
义工的职责到该期限时截止。本行动公布的统计结果以该期限为准。
公民或者选民在上述期限届满以后,仍然按照上述指南发表公开声明的,不作为本次行动的一部分。
但是,必须指出的是,对一个公民来说,直到下一轮选举(2011-2012年度)开始之前,他参照本指引采取的行动对2006-2007年度的选举仍然是具有法律意义的。本提示尤其适用于那些仅仅声明没有参加过本次投票的公民。

Sunday, November 05, 2006

Civil Non-Cooperation Movement: Campaign to Buy My Vote Back (Part I)

The difficulty to nurture civil society in China is commonly known throughout the world. Anything "political" in the eye of the government, must be controlled by the government. Or else, you could be easily put into jail for crime of "subversion."

Can civil society be non-political, such as a consumer association? That's the dilemma Chinese activists face everyday. Or more precisely, all the Chinese citizens face everyday. It has become an absurd action of routine self-censorship, to make sure your action will not be viewed by government agencies as "political."

It is time for the Chinese people to reclaim their proper political rights.

Does anyone know this year is the election year of not only the American midterm, but also the People's Congress at the township and county level throughout China?

As it goes, an ordinary Chinese citizen can vote for members of the People's Congress at the township and county levels only, if your residency registration is under a county; or at the district level if you register at a municipality. All the upper levels of the People's Congress and governments are generated by indirect elections within a strictly hierarchical structure.

It is for this very limited civil right of political participation that Tang Jingling, a lawyer from Guangzhou, launched the non-cooperation campaign of "80 cents to buy back my vote." It is an action of "Not in My Name," at least not for the next five years.

Tang circulates material of his campaign online for free distribution. Still, under heavy policing, his postings are routinely deleted and his on-line account blocked.

The material is long. I'll post them in a few parts in the Chinese original, followed by another post of simple explanations in English.

-------------------

An official website published the following news story in the summer.

中国发展门户网 www.chinagate.com.cn  2006年7月26日
全国县乡两级人大换届选举开始 涉及9亿选民

July 26, 2006
Election of People's Congress at County and Township Levels Starts,
Involving 900 Million Voters

According to schedule by the Standing Committee of National People's Congress (NPC), the once-of-five-years re-election of the People's Congress at county and township levels has started on July 1 and will last till December 31, 2007. Seventeen provinces, including Guangxi and Qinghai, will work on the reelection in the latter half of 2006.

This election will be the broadest and most profound practice of socialist democracy, concerning as many as 900 million voters. Of the total, more than 600 million voters will participate in township election, to produce more than 35,400 township governments and more than 2,800 county governments nationwide. The direct result of the election will be more than 2 million members of People's Congress at the two levels. The congress then will work to form the government of its equivalent level. County-level People's Congress will also be responsible to form its Standing Committee, a People's Court, a People's Prosecutor Office, and to elect members of the People's Congress at the immediate upper level above county.

This reelection is a significant event in China's political life, according to an official at the NPC's Standing Committee's office. It concerns the issues that voters can exercise lawfully their democratic rights, the Party's administrative ability can be advanced continuously, and the foundation of the state can be further consolidated. It must be done according to three principles: under the Party's leadership, fully exercising democracy, and strictly according to relevant laws, the official said.

One striking feature of this reelection is to have the county and township levels reelected at the same time. The official at the NPC explained that, since direct election was expanded to county level in 1979, there have been eight times of township and seven times of county reelection of the People's Congress nationwide. This year's election is the first time to have the two done at the same time since the NPC passed a Constitution amendment to extent the tenure of township Membership of People's Congress (MPC) from three years to five years in March 2004. Holding the two levels' reelection at the same time has many benefits in cooperating planning of socio-economic development at various levels of government, streamlining personnel appointment, maintaining stability at local levels. It will also be easier for voters to participate in the election and to save administrative cost.

Because this is the first time to have reelections of the two levels at the same time, planning of schedule incorporated many factors.

As internal migrant population has risen to more than 100 million nationwide, protection of migrants' political rights in the reelection is an important issue, according to the official. Government agencies of host locale must provide help to migrants to travel back to where their resident registrations are, in order to participate in the reelection. For those who cannot make the trip back, absentee votes can be arranged through written authorization, following related laws and regulations. People having resettled in place other than their original resident registration location, but not yet having their registration transferred, may vote at location of actual residence [instead of the registration location], as stipulated by relevant laws.

China's Election Law stipulates that, to help voters learn about candidates, nominators may introduce candidates to concerned election committee or at voter's meetings; Election Committee shall introduce candidates to voters, may organize meetings between MPC candidates and voters, and shall answer voters' questions. The official pointed out, "All these specific instructions should be effectively carried out in this reelection, to improve election transparency and let voters exercise their rights better."

It is a judicial principle to have candidates numbered higher than vacated seats or posts in the MPC or local governmental elections in China. The official emphasized that this reelection must follow this principle as strictly as stipulated by the Election Law and the Law of Organizing Local Government. Meanwhile, once a local government is formed and officials are appointed, unless in rare exception, changes should not be made within the track of five-year tenure, so that local leadership can enjoy relative stability within the period. This is also to respect the election rights of both voters and the MPCs.

It has been reported that, in addition to the 17 provinces going through the reelection later this year, there are 14 others, including Shanxi, Inner Mongolia and Gansu, which will start the same process next year. (Reported by WU Jing, SONG Wei, DU Wenjuan)

(ZT)中国公民不合作运动:赎回选票行动(第一部分)

正是你这一票,给予了国家主席和他以下
所有政府官员的合法地位,
这样的机会5年才有一次!
请你珍惜!

公民们,如果你不希望这5年一次的选举机会
成为那些几乎一劳永逸或强制地代表我们的人们
加强其合法性的临时背书,
请立即行动起来!

=============
目录

第一部分 赎回选票行动的背景资料………………………………3

第二部分 赎回选票行动发起人声明………………………. ……..5

第三部分 赎回选票行动致全国选民的一封信……………………7

第四部分 赎回选票行动发起记录…………………………………8

A 缘起………………………………………………………8

B 发起经过……………………………………………….…9

C 答疑…………………………………………….…………10

第五部分 赎回选票行动指南………………………………………14

A 总则………………………………………………………14

B 参与者的守则……………………………………………14

C 发起人和义工守则………………………………………15

D 行动的期限………………………………………………16

第六部分 发起人和义工自传………………………. ……………………..17

第七部分 发起人和义工联系方法………………………. ………………..18

第八部分 行动公报…………………. …………………………………. …19

第一部分 赎回选票行动的背景资料

本资料来源于:中国发展门户网 www.chinagate.com.cn  2006年7月26日

全国县乡两级人大换届选举开始 涉及9亿选民

●2006年7月1日到2006年12月31日,全国县乡两级人大进行换届选举,这是社会主义民主一次最广泛、最深刻的实践。
●本次选举将涉及选民约9亿,其中乡级选举涉及选民9亿多;涉及乡级政权35400多个、县级政权2800多个。
●本次选举将产生县乡两级人大代表200多万人。新一届县乡人大将产生本级人民政府;县级人大还将产生本级人大常委会、人民法院和人民检察院,并选举上一级人大代表。
●广西、青海等17个省份确定在今年下半年开展这项工作;山西、内蒙古等14个省份定于明年进行这项工作。

首次5年同步换届涉及9亿城乡选民
全国县乡两级人大换届选举开始

广西南宁市的400多万选民,今天手拿选票行使当家作主的权利,为心目中的人大代表候选人投上神圣一票;在广西百色市,选民登记工作进入尾声,选民 名单正陆续对外公布;而刚刚结束选民登记的青海省各县乡,代表候选人提名工作已开始……根据全国人大常委会安排,涉及9亿选民的全国县乡两级人大换届选 举,已于7月1日正式展开,将持续到2007年12月31日。确定在今年下半年开展这项工作的,有广西、青海等17个省份。

本次选举,是社会主义 民主一次最广泛、最深刻的实践,将涉及选民约9亿,其中乡级选举涉及选民6亿多;涉及乡级政权35400多个、县级政权2800多个。本次选举将产生县乡 两级人大代表200多万人,新一届县乡人大将产生本级人民政府;县级人大还将产生本级人大常委会、人民法院和人民检察院,并选举上一级人大代表。

全国人大常委会办公厅有关负责人表示,本次换届选举,是我国政治生活中的一件大事,关系到广大选民依法行使民主权利,关系到不断提高党的执政水平,关系到巩固国家政权的基础,一定要坚持党的领导、充分发扬民主、严格依法办事这三条原则。

县 乡两级人大同步直选,是本次选举的一大特点。该负责人说,自1979年人大代表直选范围扩大到县以来,全国范围内已进行了8次乡级、7次县级人大换届选 举。本次换届选举,是2004年3月全国人大通过的宪法修正案把乡镇人大的任期由3年改为5年后的首次县乡人大同步换届直选。同步换届选举,有利于协调各 级经济社会发展规划,统筹人事安排,保持基层政权稳定,方便选民参选并节约选举成本。

由于原来县乡两级人大换届选举的起始时间不同,本次同步换届选举时间,是根据各地情况反复研究测算后形成的。该负责人说,既综合考虑了几个时间 上的衔接——各地乡镇人大任期延长后的换届时间、县级人大的换届时间以及设区的市级、省级人大换届时间;又照顾到了大多数县乡人大按期换届的需要,把延长 或缩短任期控制到最小范围。

我国流动人口目前已超过1亿。该负责人表示,为保障其选举权利,现居住地的有关单位要为流动人口回户口所在地参选提供方便;不能回原居住地参选的,可以依法书面委托投票;实际已经迁居外地但未转出户口的,可以依法在现居住地参选。

为便于选民了解代表候选人,选举法规定,推荐者可以向选举委员会和在选民小组会议上介绍代表候选人的情况;选举委员会应当向选民介绍代表候选人的 情况,并可以组织代表候选人与选民见面、回答选民的问题。该负责人指出:"这些规定,在本次选举中应当得到有效实施,提高选举透明度,让选民更好地行使权 利。"

差额选举,是我国人大代表选举和地方国家机关领导人选举的法定原则。该负责人强调,本次选举中,必须严格执行选举法和地方组织法关于差 额选举的规定。同时,县乡两级国家机关领导人员一经依法当选,除特殊情况外,不要在届内调整,以保持领导班子在任期内的相对稳定,尊重选民和代表的选举权 利。

据悉,除了17个省份确定今年下半年开始县乡两级人大换届选举外,山西、内蒙古、甘肃等14个省份定于明年进行这项工作。(记者吴兢、宋伟、杜文娟)

Sunday, October 08, 2006

新闻工作者的正义与良心


今天早上,英国的各大报都以显著位置报道了俄国著名女记者被暗杀的消息。随文刊载的照片中,安娜.波利特柯夫斯卡雅短发斑白,面容温和,略带笑意,眼镜下的目光却专注而严肃。

读着相关报道,不由得心情沉重。经历了二十世纪风云变幻的后五十年,在这新世纪中,早已不相信什么“时代潮流,浩浩荡荡,顺之者昌,逆之者亡“之类的宣告,如果还在多少做着一点什么,也只是类似于宗教式的信念,似乎总归要为在暗夜中狂欢的人类和自己做一点拯救和自赎。可是,看到这样的消息,这样的牺牲,还是不能不震惊,不能不设想可能的连锁反应,尤其是中国已经越来越收缩的公共媒体空间和不断受到打压的中国新闻工作者,想到程翔、赵岩、师涛,想到陈桂棣和春桃,也想到被整肃后、生机渐趋委顿的《南方周末》和中青报的《冰点》;一并想到的,还有英美媒体本身正在经历的种种变化,公共辩论空间的萎缩以及那些勇敢的公共知识分子们的坚持。在俄国,波利特柯夫斯卡雅曾经就是这样不倦奋斗的一位,现在,她不幸倒下,倒在黑枪的子弹下。我因此而为我们的时代担忧,悲哀。

没有人怀疑,波利特柯夫斯卡雅遭到暗杀,是因为她的新闻写作尖锐揭露军警黑幕,勇敢地为蒙受战争灾难的车臣平民呼吁,而且毫不留情地抨击俄国总统普京正在转向独裁集权。她遇害的日子,正好是普京的生日。人们因此在猜测,这是阴谋策划者有意献给普京的生日礼物。

前不久,意大利女记者法拉奇逝世,不少中国媒体人发表各种意见表示纪念。法拉奇年轻时曾经非常勇敢,冒着生命和自由的危险,揭露战争与独裁统治的罪恶。可是在她的晚年,诚如一些作者指出的,她越来越依赖自己的明星作派,对世界上重大既得利益集团的挑战性已经减弱到几乎可以忽略不计了。她的逝世,让人感慨的是一个过去的时代,虽然她也曾对最近的世界大事发表意见,她言谈中的明星表态价值早已多过了对现实的犀利剖析。

波利特柯夫斯卡雅在知名度上可能远远比不上法拉奇。她采访过的,多半是贫苦无名的下层人物,不是大国领导人。但是,据报道,她的去世激起了莫斯科民众极大的义愤,今天,人们纷纷走上街头,悼念她,纪念她的精神,也表达自己的愤怒,表达自己对另一种未来的向往。

为了内心渴望的正义,让全世界争取独立、自由、公正、平等的人们联合在一起吧,互相支持,互相关爱,让人们知道,他们并不孤独。

Sunday, October 01, 2006

[ZT] 司徒华:香港回归后九年多以来的变化

司徒华:香港回归后九年多以来的变化.

二零零六年九月十五日
华盛顿,美国国会图书馆

香港已回歸九年多。有了怎麼樣的變化呢?一些微妙的變化,卻是重大而影響深遠的。不在香港居住工作的人,不容易察覺;即使一些以香港為家的人,因為對現實生尤其是個人的切身利益,沒有甚麼即時的效應,也都不大重視。

我來說說幾方面的變化和一些事件。

(一) 三級議會(立法局[會]、市政局、區議會)

(1) 立法會

a. 根據《基本法》的規定,1995年當選的立法局議員,可坐「直通車」,成為立法會議員,任期至1998年。但這規定被廢除,「直通車」被毀,立法局重組為臨時立法會,民主派議員被迫辭職落車。

臨時立法會,修改了立法會的選舉法,廢除市政局,增設區議會的委任議席;停止執行已立法的重要法例,如經修訂的《截取通訊及監察條例》、《勞資談判條例》等。

b. 修改立法會的選舉法,把直選的小選區單議席,改為大選區排列名單的比例代表制。讓少數選民支持的親共人士,也可以得到一定比例的議席。把功能組別的某些界別的選民資格縮小,如零售、飲食、建築、金融等,以前從業員也可以投票的,改為只是僱主老板。這樣,民主派當選的機會便沒有了。

c. 修改立法會的表決方法。回歸前,立法會的議案和修訂,不論是政府或議員提出的,只須簡單多數便獲得通過。回歸後,卻改為政府提出的照舊以簡單多數通過;但議員提出的,卻要分兩組投票,直選議員和功能組別議員,兩組都要以多數通過才能通過,一組不能通過,便被否決。所以,很多議案和修訂,贊成的即使整體及直選議員都佔多數,但在功能組別佔少數,便被否決了。政府就依靠保守親共的功能組別,否決議員的動議和修訂。

(2) 市政局

a. 市政局在回歸前,是區域性組織,議員全部由中選區單議席直選 產生,擁有財政獨立權,負責地區的文化、康樂、環境衛生等服務。但回歸後一年,把市政局取消了,由政府的食物環境衛生署接替其工作。這樣,具有地區自治性質的民主議會被廢除了。

b. 市政局還有一個重要的功能,位於三級議會的中層,是培養訓練從政人員的階梯。議員大多最初參選區議會,再進而參選市政局,最後參選立法會。取消了市政局,使從政人員出現斷層現象,尤其是得不到政府的扶植的民主派,很難培養訓練出參加立法會的人選。

(3) 區議會

區議會雖然是一個區域性的諮詢組織,但最接近市民,往往是中下層市民反映意見的渠道。回歸前,全部由直選產生,總數約四百人。回歸後,卻增加了一百零四個(超過選出的四分一)委任的區議員。政府委任這些區議員,全部是親共支持政府的人,而且按照民主派在各區的區議員人數去分布制衡,使民主派在該區的區議員不能佔多數。這樣,當所謂諮詢收集民意時,便可造成很多區議會變為(二) 三次人大釋法

(1) 按照《基本法》的規定,中國人大常委會有解釋《基本法》的權力,但限於:

a. 只解釋由中央管理的國防、外交,以及中央與特區關係的條文,關於特區自治範圍內的條款,則由特區法院去解釋。
b. 解釋《基本法》,要由特區終審庭向人大常委會提出。
c. 終審庭已作出判決的案件,人大常委會的釋法,不能改變原來的判決。

(2) 在回歸後,人大常委會的三次釋法,都是違反上述的規定的。

a. 1999 年終審庭根據《基本法.第二十四條.三款》,對香港永久性居民在香港以外所生的中國籍子女在港的永久性居民身份問題,作出最後判決。但由政府提交人大常委會釋法推翻了。

b. 2003年,港人強烈要求在《基本法》規定2007年檢討時,行政長官和立法會由直選產生,這就是零七、零八雙普選。港人還未展開檢討,政府就提交人大常委釋法,把雙普選否決了。

c. 2005 年,董建華任期未滿而辭職,接任者的任期是兩年還是五年,港人未有討論,政府即提交人大常委會釋法,決定是兩年。但對以後如有同樣情形,任期又如何呢?又不作決定,任期是上任未滿的時間,只是這一次,以後可隨時改變。

(3) 三次人大釋法都是違反《基本法》的:

a. 這些都是特區自治範圍內的事,不涉國際、外交,以及中央與特區的關係。
b. 不是終審庭提出,而是政府提出。
c. 1999年的居留權案件,終審庭已作出判決,卻被推翻了。

(4) 人大釋法有極其嚴重的後果:

a. 違反《基本法》白紙黑字的條文。
b. 人大釋法等於不必任何程序去修改《基本法》。
c. 剝奪了特區的終審權,影響了司法獨立。

(三) 傳媒的控制和自律

(1) 目前香港的傳媒,包括電台、電視、報章、雜誌等,不是受到控制和自律的,已極少數。即使是一些貌似中立的,也不過是小罵大幫忙,在仍有一個自由市場規律中,去欺騙讀者而已。一個共通的特點是:支持政府,抹黑民主派,對中國事事避諱而不報導負面消息。

(2) 控制傳媒的方法如下:

a. 通過親共富豪,與中國有密切利益關係的商家,收購了傳媒。
b. 透過親共商界(特別是樓房地產業),給予或不給予刊登廣告。
c. 給予獨家政府新聞,或不邀請參加非正式的「放料」會議。
d. 給予可以接受國內訂戶的引誘。
e. 收買編輯和記者,或以親共人員滲透傳媒機構。
f. 限制回大陸採訪,拘捕監禁回大陸採訪的記者。

(四) 推行高官問責制

(1) 2002年,董建華連任行政長官後,即推行高官問責制。把政府最高層的三司十一局的首長,全改為政治任命,只向特首負責。推行此制度,有如下的作用。

(2)破壞了一向的公務員制度,高官由公務員晉升而上,改為由特首任命,便於引入親共人士進入政府高層。

(3)架空政務司司長。以前,政務司司長是公務員之首,管轄各司各 局,現卻把大權全部集中於行政長官一人手上,北京便可以透過他去指揮各司各局。

(4)最近又提出《進一步發展政治委任制度》的諮詢文件,打算增設特首委任的副局長和局長助理。這是為進一步培養訓練親共政治人才的方法。可預見一些親共政黨,將有人擔任這些職位。

(五) 推行《基本法.第二十三條》的立法

(1) 該條文如下:「香港特別行政區應自行立法禁止任何叛國、分裂國家、煽動叛亂、顛覆中央人民政府及竊取國家機密的行為,禁止外國的政治性組織或團體在香港特別行政區進行政治動,禁止香港特別行政區的政治性組織或團體與外國的政治性組織或團體建立聯繫。」

(2) 這條文是在1989年「六四」事件後,在《基本法》修改過的,顯然有所針對。香港自行立法的具體條文,嚴重踐踏和剝奪港人應有的自由和人權。

(3) 2003年7 月1日,五十萬港人上街抗議示威,高喊:「反對廿三、還政於民」。董建華與行政會議,仍堅持要在7月9日提交立法會通過。自由黨主席田北俊知道民意的強烈,宣布退出行政會議;自由黨全部立法會議員將不支持該項立法,立法會將不能獲得大多數通過。至此,政府才擱置該項立法,其後,保安局局長葉劉淑儀和特首下台,都與此有關。可以說,這是在回歸後,香港民主運動的一個重大勝利。

(4) 《基本法.第二十三條》立法雖然擱置了,但政府最近卻在親共議員支持下,否決民主派議員提出的近二百條修訂,強行通過《截取通訊和監察條例》。雖然這沒有《基本法.第二十三條》那麼苛嚴,但也是一項侵犯私隱、損害人權自由的一項惡法。

(六)《政制改革方案》

(1) 2003 年人大釋法否決了港人雙普選的訴求,政府提出了《政制改革方案》。這方案假「改革」之名,實質上是倒退。

(2) 《政制改革方案》提出,功能組別增加五席,由區議員選出,卻不肯取消委任的區議員,同時不宣布選舉方法,是一人一票抑一人多票制。這樣親共人士可全取增加的五席。

(3) 直選也增加五席,仍採大選區比例代表制的選舉。這樣親共人士,仍可按比例取得四成(即兩席)席位。

(4) 更嚴重的是,倘此方案獲得通過,以後便循此方向,不斷增加功能組別中區議會的議席和直選議席,說這便是「循序漸進」走向民主。這樣,民主派在立法會的三分之一以上議席便被侵蝕,到了少於三分之一的數目,失去了修改政制的否決權,便任由北京要怎樣修改就怎樣修改了。

(5) 2005年12月4日,二十五萬港人上街抗議示威,反對這政改方案,支持民主派立法會議員投反對票,穩定了動搖分子。結果,25 名議員投反對票,否決了方案。這是回歸後,繼反對《基本法.第二十三條》立法,香港民主運動的第二個大勝利。

(七)「一國兩制」和「一個中心、兩個基本」

(1)1979年,鄧小平復出,提出中國的總路線是「一個中心、兩個基本」。所謂「一個中心」是以經濟建設為中心;所謂「兩個基本」,一是開放改革,一是「四個堅持」,其實「四個堅持」只是堅持中共的一黨專政。

(2)他是聰明的,知道經濟再沒有發展,人民生得不到改善,最後會導致中共垮台;但他又知道,用「開放改革」來發展經濟,必然引起人民要求政治改革,所以要用「四個堅持」來壓制政治改革。

(3)香港的「一國兩制」與「一個中心,兩個基本」,是一脈相承而精神一致的。一方面要保持香港的資本主義制度,去支持中國的經濟發展和穩定香港經濟;另一方面壓制香港民主,牢牢掌握幕後的控制權,更不能影響中國大陸。

(4) 我曾任《基本法》起草委員四年,1989 年「六四」事件後,因支持中國民運才被開除。在這四年,我已發覺,中共對香港回歸後的策略。在頭五年,盡力保持港人和國際的信心,沒有甚麼大動作;其後的五年,便要逐步加強控制;十年後便可把香港完全控制在手中。所以,《基本法》規定2007年可檢討政制改革,認為到時即使普選,也會親共人士獲勝。結果,這個如意算盤失算,估計不到公民力量不斷壯大,但中共要全面控制香港仍不會死心。

(八)香港民主運動的道路

(1) 香港是中國領的一部分,香港民主運動也是中國民主運動的一部分。兩者的命運緊密聯繫在一起。倘若,中國沒有政治改革而走向民主化,香港政制要超越現況而進一步民主化,沒有甚麼空間。中國民主運動的道路,是崎嶇、曲折、艱苦、漫長的,香港民主運動的道路也如此。

(2) 在回歸前,我提出的口號,是「不撤退,反倒退」。「不撤退」是:一.不離開香港移民,二.是堅持民主運動。「反倒退」是:反對自由、人權、法治的倒退。我估計,中國不走向民主化,香港的民主難有寸進。即使香港的民主沒有進展,也要提防和反對在自由、人權、法治上的倒退,在不倒退中,等待中國民主運動的發展,趕上來,一起前進,在反倒退中去壯大公民力量。

(3) 回歸後,香港的公民力量是壯大了的。正如上述,反對《基本法.第二十三條》立法和《政制改革方案》,就是兩次反倒退的勝利,公民力量得到壯大。所以,我把回歸前的口號「不撤退,反倒退」,改為「反倒退,發展公民力量」。以不斷壯大的公民力量,為迎接民主香港和民主中國作好準備。

(4) 我們要在戰略上蔑視敵人,因為人類的民主歷史潮流不可阻擋,民主必勝。另一方面,我們要在戰術上重視敵人,因為那敵人是最強大的專制獨裁政權和最兇殘的壓迫者,必須要準備去走一條崎嶇、曲折、艱苦、漫長的道路。

Saturday, September 30, 2006

王丹和司徒华


司徒华先生于2006年9月访问美国洛杉矶时,和1989年民主运动学生领袖王丹合影。

Wednesday, September 20, 2006

Imagine Yourself Being Well-Governed, by Bush or CCP

While reading in the library, I came across the following quotations of early anarchist thinkers. They are taken from "Anarchism" by David Miller, London: 1984.

Proudhon's denunciation of the State's intrusion of citizen's life as independent individuals:

“To be GOVERNED is to be at every operation, at every transaction, noted, registered, enrolled, taxed, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, authorized, admonished, forbidden, reformed, corrected, punished. It is, under pretext of public utility, and in the name of the general interest, to be placed under contribution, trained, ransomed, exploited, monopolized, extorted, squeezed, mystified, robbed; then, at the slightest resistance, the first word of complaint, to be repressed, fined, despised, harassed, tracked, abused, clubbed, disarmed, choked, imprisoned, judged, condemned, shot, deported, sacrificed, sold, betrayed; and, to crown all, mocked, ridiculed, outraged, dishonoured. That is government; that is its justice; that is its morality.” [P.J. Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century, trans. J.B. Robinson (London, Freedom Press, 1923), p. 294. Quoted from Miller, p.6.]

And Bakunin's critique of a future socialist state [all below from Miller, p.10]:

“This government will not content itself with administering and governing the masses politically, as all governments do today. It will also administer the masses economically, concentrating in the hands of the State the production and division of wealth, the cultivation of land, the establishment and development of factories, the organization and direction of commerce, and finally the application of capital to production by the only banker – the State. All that will demand an immense knowledge and many heads ‘overflowing with brains’ in this government. It will be the reign of scientific intelligence, the most aristocratic, despotic, arrogant, and elitist of all regimes. There will be a new class, a new hierarchy of real and counterfeit scientists and scholars, and the world will be divided into a minority ruling in the name of knowledge, and an immense ignorant majority.” [S. Dolgoff(ed.), Bakunin on Anarchy (New York, Vintage Books, 1972), p. 319. ]

Moreover,

“. . . for the proletariat this will, in reality, be nothing but a barracks: a regime, where regimented working men and women will sleep, wake, work, and live to the beat of a drum . . .” [note: ibid., p. 284.]

Sunday, September 17, 2006

现实分析与前景预测

黎安友在最近纽泽西的研讨会谈到美国对中国政治前景的观察。其实,这是西方的中国观察通常取的路数:以预测未来为目标,观察分析现状。政府智库的这样着手,学者也不例外,即使是公共知识分子,可以说无分左右,大家熟知的都是这种做法,其中的假设也因而常常忽略不提。所以,这是一种分析进路,无关立场。

更进一步说,这个分析进路其实并不只是应用在中国观察上,而且也是英美区域分析和政治观察普遍使用的方法。也因此,对圈内人来说,其中基本的操作假定已经无须说明,甚至有可能已经成为下意识,根本不去考虑了。不习惯这种分析进路的人,常常会感觉要先帮发言者确定一个政治立场,然后再考虑发言的具体内容,结果成了先划线再站队,很难把注意力集中在观察到的重要现象上。

具体到这次的发言,黎安友认为总体上中共政权的统治在趋于稳定,向制度化发展,这和他前几年的中共中央领导换代时的注重点是一脉相承的。有意思的是,他坦诚自己还不能解释为什么在统治趋于稳定的状况下,中国当局要收紧控制,对维权人士和维权律师大肆逮捕、判刑、迫害。最后,他自己的解释落在中共对颜色革命的恐惧上。从大多数相关评论来看,这确实是关键解释之一。

从这个解释角度来观察,不难看到,中共近两年来的一系列举措,已经更加“稳准狠“地把目标锁定在公民社会的萌芽中。比如说最近有系统地打压维权律师前后,内部还发了文件,要求以后律师接受有关维权性质的案件时,必须要和地方政府配合,在地方政府指导下进行有关办案的活动,否则就要对可能产生的影响社会“和谐“的后果负个人责任。这个文件,各地已经向律师事物所普遍传达。

也就是说,陈光诚、高智晟、郭飞雄等人的被抓被审被判,是静悄悄进行中的大规模控制维权空间战役的一个组成部分。

与此类似的,是新闻控制,这方面,中国政府更有关于控制2008年奥运会期间新闻自由度的考量。因此,在强行以莫须有罪名宣判赵岩、程翔等新闻工作者的同时,又宣布了对外国新闻机构加强控制的措施,引起国际舆论哗然。这个新规定宣布时,温家宝正在欧洲访问,在英国被问到这个问题时,温家宝大力劝说工商界不应为此担忧,保证信息流通绝不会受到影响云云。其中的信息格外明确:只要是经商和消费为重,人们完全不必担心信息流通会受影响。

只要不牵涉到中国境内群众的政治自觉性,再赤裸裸的商业牟利也没关系,中国政府都会上赶着为您服务,而且,在您遇到麻烦时,一定会站在你的一边,帮你把一切摆平,最近的富士康事件就是一个最好的例子。

最后,再比如说突发事件,去年前年,北京政府的公安部都曾特意公布高发统计数字,可是今年,虽然我们还是能够零零散散地得到一些受害平民的报告,而且有确切证据显示,发展到暴力冲突的突发事件还在各地发生,但最近八九个月却没有了这方面的消息。从比较长远的政策目标看,有理由相信,去年年初年底公布的数字,在很大程度上是中央政府与地方政府的博弈剧目之一,目的是让地方政府接受并分担一部分责任,同时帮助地方政府软硬兼施,更灵活地调整政策,防止这类突发事件成为地方上公民社会的雏形。

现在,中共又要允许地方选举了,如果上面的分析大致不错,那么,可以预料,这个姗姗来迟的政治“改革“,一定会伴随着最多也最不光明正大的威胁,直到当局能够成功地从地方选举中剥离出真正的政治参与的内核,同时又继续顶着一个参与的名声。如果说西方对现存民主制度的批判包括反对选民原子化的趋向,那么中共一定会如获至宝,费尽心机把尚未实行的选举办得越是能把选民原子化越好。

[转发]多维专稿:黎安友:美国关于中国政治前景几种看法



黎安友:美国关于中国政治前景几种看法──中美欧学者"问题、前景与选择研讨会"发言独家选登(4)
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多维新闻 2006年9月12日20:51:31(京港台时间)

8月26日、27日,哥伦比亚大学黎安友等中国问题专家,从中 国大陆,北美和欧洲邀请研究中国问题的学者,聚会美国新泽西,举行题为"全球化背景中的中国转型问题"研讨会。会上,具有不同专业领域、学派倾向和职业的 专家,探讨如何解读郎咸平现象,人大搁置物权法草案,西山会议以及风起云涌的所谓群体事件及其之间关联,进而分析中国改革的问题、动力机制、前景与应有的 选择。对于中国存在严重问题,专家高度共识;但对中国问题的动因,前景和解决途径,专家们则热烈讨论。以下是美国哥伦比亚大学政治系主任黎安友 (Andrew Nathan)教授的发言。
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我最近在写一个有关裴敏欣即将出版的新书的书评,总结了美国学界关于中国前景的几种典型看法。(chinesenewsnet.com)



一 是Gordon Chang在他的有影响的书Coming Collapse of China(中国即将崩溃)中所表述的看法。按照这种观点,中国会在自身难以解决的问题中备受困扰后崩溃,共产党政权会垮台。Gordon Chang讨论的是加入WTO后的中国困境。类似他的结论还有其他的思路。这些看法被说成是"悲观论"。( chinesenewsnet.com)



二是 Bruce Gilley在他的书China's Democratic Future(中国民主的未来)中表述的观点,中国将在市场化和全球化中发育出一个强大的中产阶层,这个中产阶层要求和支持自由化和民主化;他不认为必须 推翻共产党才能实现民主化,相反他认为在关键时刻共产党内会有民主派出现,他提到赵紫阳、曾庆红、温家宝和吴官正。按照他的预期,中国会发生某种危机,精 英大规模表示不满,然后党内围绕如何解决危机而分裂,在新的舆论情势中所与党派都竞相摈弃威权政体,接受选举。类似Gilley但比他的观点简单的观点还 有许多;他们被称为"乐观论"。( chinesenewsnet.com)



三是我 在2003年表述的观点,现在共产党已经建立了一个有弹性或韧性的威权政体,可以控制问题对他们执政造成的威胁。这里要观察几个现象。首先,经济发展巩固 了现有政权的稳定,也并没有迹象培育出一个可以作为民主化的动力的中产阶级。第二,中国共产党的宣传或者控制宣传还是很有效;在一些重大事件上,你可以发 现中国人并不知道真相,其思考方式和结论虽然与官方宣传不完全一致但有利于官方的统治。第三,全民都在忙于自己个人的发展机会,找个人的谋生路子,一切都 在向钱看;即使有不满意,也可以到别处发展。第四,中国的经济与外交都成功地控制了问题。第五,许多人很不满,但除给基层制造麻烦外,还有些途径表达不 满,如信访、诉讼和控告,虽然不见得有效解决问题,但是提供了宣泄情绪的渠道。最后,这个政权镇压异议运动和声音还是成功的,他们有足够的技术设备和人去 监视和控制及管理外国记者、民运、维权和底层反抗运动。对于这样的政体,我们无法预测其短期命运:崩溃或者转型都还没有定论。( chinesenewsnet.com)



我的理 论无法解释一个现象:如果这个政体稳定,我不懂为什么要对陈光诚、赵岩、东洲民众、法轮功和宗教团体这样残酷地镇压。他们似乎应当有信心,因为这些反对他 们的力量在高层并没有支持者,也就不会对于政权稳定性构成实质性的威胁。根据政治学界的观察,如果没有高层分裂,崩溃和转型都很难发生。中国当局没有道理 在这些处理这些团体和个人时如此不理性和野蛮。( chinesenewsnet.com)



最近有 个动向也许可以解释我的困惑,即中国政府担心"颜色革命"。在中国政府看来,这些内部麻烦与美国的"颜色革命"企图相结合,会构成实质性政治威胁。在美国 确实有许多力量从事针对中国政府的活动,国家民主基金会和国务院对于大陆都有资助;民间也有大量资助;人权团体在舆论界活跃;法轮功和西藏流亡政府在美国 都有基地;热比亚到美国就公开批评中国政府。这些都得到美国民间的支持和政府的容许。但是,多数美国人认为,这样的想法很可笑。美国是多元国家,什么力量 都有;各种力量做什么也不受限制,但各种力量相互平衡,一种想法很难独自获得实现。我必须花很大气力,才能让这些美国人相信,中国当局的担心是认真的,而 不只是借口。然而,即使是认真的,也不是成熟理性的行为;因为这样的错误判断而采取的残暴措施会导致极坏的国际影响和后果。( chinesenewsnet.com)



裴敏欣 的新书与上述看法不同。他关注一些新的问题,或者执政的困境,例如国家能力弱、地方势力坐大等等。但他讨论的是现实困境,可以说是讨论一些暂时现象。从长 远眼光看,这些困境对于政体稳定性导致什么后果,他并没有明确的定论,可能会倒退,可能民主化,也可能是新的分化。( chinesenewsnet.com)



最 后,我要提一下James Mann的最新研究。他原是《洛杉矶时报》的记者。70年代写过北京纪行,后来写过一本从尼克松到布什的中美关系史,近年出版的一本书介绍布什的外交团 队,是美国非小说类的最畅销书之一。他明年有本新书,是关于美国对华政策的,对于上述提到的几种观点有些评价和分析。他说,华盛顿对华政策有两派,一是认 为北京政权肯定会因为自身问题而垮台,二是认为中国肯定会民主化。Mann认为,肯定民主化论和肯定崩溃论都是错的;不过是为美国对于中国的变化不要做任 何事情提供借口;既然都认为不做什么,其实从操作的角度看,也就没有太大的分歧。Mann认为,这样的想法不对;因为你可能早晚要面对一个既不是民主化也 没有崩溃的强大的北京政权。虽然Mann强烈地主张美国不应无所作为地等待,但他也没有说明美国该做什么。他只是在书的最后几页提出,美国应当讨论面对这 样的中国现在和今后该怎么办。他说,甚至断绝关系也应当作为选择之一加以讨论,虽然他认为不应当也不可能真这样做。( chinesenewsnet.com)



总之,美国关于中国的主要看法还是从外部观察的角度讨论问题,而且远没有稳定和明晰的共识

Thursday, September 07, 2006

The iPod Case: Media's Relative Immunity and Labor Conditions

Since the London-based Sunday Mail published its feature story about iPod factory in China on June 13, 2006, and since Apple company issued its own investigation report on the situation on August 17, the case seems having lost its momentum in the English-speaking world (amid many other pressingly urgent issues). Not many people know there had been a drama playing out in China. That is, before September 3.



I take it as my duty to inform you that the case has not been concluded satisfactorily, at least not to those who care about labor condition more than about building up harmonious relations between business media and capital interest in China.



To make a long story short, it concerns the contracted manufacturer of Apple’s iPod in China, Foxccon International Holdings of Taiwanese capital. A Chinese newspaper ran a story entitled “Foxccon Employees: Machine Demand You Stand up 12 Hours [in a Row],” and another follow-up story.



Foxccon sued the penning reporter and an editor for libel, without suing at the same time the newspaper. The two had all their personal assets frozen, since Foxccon asked for up to 30 million yuan damage compensation, unheard of in libel cases in China.



A public uproar ensued. Indignation and anger poured upon Foxccon on the internet and printed media. Eventually, Foxccon backed down, lowering its quest from 30 million yuan to a symbolic one yuan on August 31, and three days later issued a joined statement with the newspaper, withdrawing the case completely.



Ironically, Foxccon is one of the first Taiwanese firms in Guangdong that had set up cells of the Communist Party of China (CPC). It has also encouraged member recruitment by the Party Committee active within its premises. Yet, no trade union has been set up. What are those Party members do for the labor class in their factory? Any task that is more ideologically “Communism” than merely supporting the nation, the State, and the government at various level? Oh, yeah, must be things more: they support the capital.



Many people in the West have been debating if China has become a capitalist economy or remained a socialist one. In my view, the best criterion to this question is to see to which side the government’s policy is leaning in conflicts between capital and labor. Applying this to the Foxccon case, it is crystal clear that capital has been favored.



In more than two months when the drama played itself out, the Labor Ministry in Beijing and the municipal Labor Bureau in Shenzhen were conspicuously silent. It’s true the official trade union office in the city spoke out publicly, urging Foxccon to allow its employees to set up trade union branches (not independent unions). However, this has been the only semi-governmental office speaking about the case.



In other words, both the Party and the government have learnt to hide themselves behind the cover of “legal channels” to solve labor disputes. The authorities would do all they could to avoid making public statements, lest they be mistaken as if supporting the not-so-obedient workers in making trouble to capital.



The court is not much better, for capital is capable to manipulate the laws and the court to its own advantage. To single out vulnerable individual for crashing financial cost is but one “innovative” approach capital has created.



And so the media. When capital backed down, to borrow a blogger’s words, the media did not step up its own demand for social justice. Instead, most of the involved rushed to express their self-criticism and praise of the boss of Foxccon. The original content of the published stories were all but forgotten. Similarly forgotten are the workers who have to stand for 12 hours in a row everyday.



This is to say, Foxccon has never formally complained against the title of the first report, though it has done so against the Sunday Mail’s claim of workers working 15 hours each day. Foxccon itself takes pride in running a huge “city of factory” of almost 200,000 employees.



Population of a medium-sized city, living together almost 24 hours per day, 7 days per week, without any civil relations between each other. They are simply “employees” of a gigantic manufacturer. How amazingly classic a picture of capitalist production, of human beings becoming no more than the extension of machines.



I am reminded a French film, whose title has slipped my memory. It starts with two prisoners who, extremely depressed by the strictly controlled life inside prison, attempt an escape, with success. But, the first one running out is not clear if the second one has done it as well. After various tries, this first guy lands himself into working by the assembly line in a huge factory with its own dorm and huge canteen, a setting even more depressing than inside prison, only to discover that its owner is none other than his former inmate.



Or, Charlie Chaplin’s Modern Times.



You will not see films of this kind coming out of contemporary China. The government will ban such films before you could have learned any news about it, for such films would no question offend Capital, the best bedfellow of today’s CPC.




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To help my non-Chinese-speaking friends to grasp the fuller picture of the case, I compiled a document. It reads a bit dry, but with all the background information and a brief chronology in it you’ll be able to come to your own conclusion pretty clearly. The main source for the document is from the website run by China Business News (CBN), based in Shanghai, with its Chinese name literally meaning the “Number One [or, the First] Financial and Business News” (第一财经).



You’d get lost, however, if you try to google it. There are so many pages related to “China/Chinese business news” that it’s impossible to find the “right” one without opening hundreds or even thousands of pages containing something about economic news from China. It testifies to China’s growing importance in this globalizing world.



The good news is, if you know no Chinese, you don’t have to bother – the site is exclusively in Chinese. The bad news is, even if you know Chinese, all references to the case have been blocked, bringing out empty to search attempt through its search service. But the block is not yet absolute. You’d better check it through Google and select a “cached” link, then you can go back to the official – and very extensive and intensive – coverage of the case by the CBN (http://www.china-cbn.com). We can only hope it won’t be blocked completely in the future.




BACKGROUND OF THE TWO PARTIES:



1. The Taiwanese owned firm involved in the case has three layers in its structure: an operational company named Fushijin, wholly owned by Foxconn International Holdings, which is in turn an arm of Taiwan-based Hon Hai Precision Industry.


Hon Hai has grown into the largest manufacturing contractor in Taiwan, with its owner, a Mr. Kuo ranked the number one wealthiest Taiwanese, and number 198 in Forbes globally wealthiest list.



The company is still in an expanding process, at a time when some more established Taiwanese firms in electronics are planning to shed their manufacturing arms to concentrate on creating brand products.



2. In April 2004, Hon Hai sued a journalist in Taiwan for story about its pricing strategies, asking for 30 million Taiwan dollar for compensation. Hon Hai paid in advance court fees to have the court order personal assets of housing and bank accounts to be frozen.



Taiwan’s journalist association organized campaign on behalf of the journalist, collecting more than 1,000 signatures within four days and essentially forcing the journalist's employer, a business newspaper, to stand out to back the journalist.



Hon Hai dropped the case after negotiating an agreement (no details) with the newspaper in December 2004, and consequently withdrew the assets-frozen quest. The journalist did not take any legal action against Hon Hai subsequently.



After dropping the lawsuit case in late 2004, Mr. Kuo said in an interview that the lawsuit was aimed at seeking truth; it was designed with innovative approach, whose purpose was not for money; and all the money won from the case would have gone to charity completely. He also claimed "though this is the first time, it will definitely not be the last time." Presumably the reference is the “innovative” approach.



3. The mainland newspaper China Business News (CNB) or The Number One Business Daily was created by three established big media companies in Beijing (Beijing Youth Daily), Shanghai (a big one, don't know its English title), and Guangzhou (Guangzhou Daily News Group) in 2003. It is part of a big media group in Shanghai that includes major business channels in television and radio, transformed from previous official (governmental, state-owned) channels, with considerable government connections in Shanghai.




CHRONOLOGY (2006)



June 11, London-based Sunday Mail publishes a feature report on iPot’s producer, Hongfujin, in Shenzhen in China’s Guangdong Province, saying that women workers there work 15 hours per day for as little a salary as 300 yuan (less than US$40) per month.



Early June, more and more complaints about labor condition in Foxccon’s factories emerge in the Chinese internet.



The Shanghai-based "China Business News (CBN)" decides to run a story about it. Woman journalist Wang You is assigned the task.



June 14, China’s leading internet portal sina.com carries Chinese translation of the Sunday Mail report.



June 15, CBN carries Wang’s report, entitled "Foxccon Employees: Machines Demand You Stand for 12 Hours in a Row." For the report, Wang had on-line chat with a college graduate and checked main facts with a Miss He at Foxccon's PR office the previous day. It is the first independent report on Foxccon run by Chinese media.



Mid June, Chinese on-line and print media cover related news extensively. Most on-line media relay both the sina version and Wang's story.



Foxccon holds a press conference in Shenzhen, explaining the situation in their factory to the public.



June 20, instructed to write a follow-up story, Wang arrives at a Foxccon
factory in Kunshan County, Jiangsu Province, neighboring Shanghai to the



north. She talks for 50 minutes with a girl who just quitted her job there.



June 22, CBN carries the second story on Foxccon by Wang, entitled "Former Foxccon Woman Worker: Basic Pay Very Low, Welfare Pretty Good."




June 30, two Foxccon officials make appointment to see Wang and her editor (name unclear). The conservation was "pleasant and harmonious," according to Wang, when Foxccon side expressed hope that CBN should drop the topic, but did not question the truthfulness of the two published articles.



Later, Foxccon tries to arrange another meeting with Wang, which, "due to schedule conflicts on both sides, did never work out," Wang was quoted as saying by the Beijing News (Xin jing bao) in late August.



The CBN paper nonetheless runs no more coverage on Foxccon.



Early July, Foxccon sends out notification letters signed by its lawyers to a number of journalists nationwide, all of those who have covered the topic. Wang and Wong are the only two that eventually get the assets-frozen notice from a Shenzhen court.



[In late August, one journalist getting lawyer's letter from Foxccon asks to remain anonymous and confirms that the matter with him was "settled through mediation," without giving details.]



Foxccon launches lawsuit against Wang and Wong, but not their employer, CBN, who published stories. Foxccon asks for damage-compensation of 20 million yuan from Wang and 10 million yuan from Wong.



July 10, a court in Shenzhen issues notifications to Wang and Wong, upon quest by Foxccon, to put the two journalists’ personal assets frozen to safeguard potential compensation payments.



In the court document, Foxccon says that the two articles penned by Wang "make conclusive statements without checking facts, based merely on heresy or street talks," and using languages "apparently degenerating and insulting," "causing tremendous economic damages to the plaintiff."



Foxccon has not paid court fees and the order not taken effect yet. CBN starts (?) getting involved, contacting Guangdong’s Provincial Taiwan Office, seeking negotiation channels to settle the case outside court.



According to the Taiwan Office, Foxccon in Shenzhen is among the first that established CCP’s Party cells on its premise. It has also encouraged the party committee to recruit new members among its employees.



However, it has not allowed the set up of trade union organizations inside the firm. Since the case became focus of public attention, the Shenzhen municipal office of China's official trade union has announced Foxccon is one of 30 firms being targeted to set up trade union branched before the end of 2006.



July 17, Foxccon pays more than 170,000 yuan in total of court fees to the Shenzhen court. Assets frozen order goes into effect.



July 24, Wang and Wong issue their appeal separately to the court, asking for release of their assets, on the ground that Wong claims he does not have any connection with stories about Foxccon to be qualified as a defendant, and Wang says she has not received any court documents concerning her defendant status, except the asset-frozen order.



Aug. 18, Apple Company publishes its investigation report, saying that the situation is not as bad as the Sunday Mail's story claims. Excerpt of the report:



"The manufacturing facility supports over 200,000 employees (Apple uses less than 15% of that capacity) and has the services you'd expect in a medium city. The campus includes factories, employee housing, banks, a post office, a hospital, supermarkets, and a variety of recreational facilities including soccer fields, a swimming pool, TV lounges and Internet cafes. Ten cafeterias are also located throughout the campus offering a variety of menu choices such as fresh vegetables, beef, seafood, rice, poultry, and stir-fry noodles. In addition, employees have access to 13 different restaurants on campus. Employees were pleased with the variety and quality of food offerings.



"The supplier owns and leases dormitories that are offered at no charge to employees, provided they help in cleaning common areas to maintain the facility. Workers are not required to live in these dormitories, although the majority do. Our team randomly selected and inspected a wide range of dormitories (both supplier-owned on-campus and off-site leased facilities) that collectively house over 32,000 people. Buildings are separated by gender, with female dorms containing a private bathroom/shower for each room and male dorm rooms typically sharing bathroom/shower facilities. The dorms have TV rooms, potable water, private lockers, free laundry service, and public telephones. Many also have ping-pong and snooker tables, and sitting/reading areas. All of the on-campus dorms have air conditioning. Visitors are permitted in the dorms, although a sign-in process is used for security purposes."



(Source: http://www.apple.com/hotnews/ipodreport/
Report on iPod Manufacturing, August 17, 2006)



The Report admits that, on average during the investigation period, Foxccon employees worked overtime more than 35% each week and up to one fourth of its employees likely worked continuously for more than six days per week.




Late Aug. [apparently after Apple's report is out], Wang and Wong start a joined blog focusing on the case.



Aug. 26, full coverage of the lawsuit appears in Beijing News and Southern Daily (Guangzhou). English media start to cover the story.



The case starts to draw public attention. The joined blog had more than two million hits in ten days, with thousands of viewer comments. Survey shows overwhelming public support to the journalists. People also began to donate money. Wang thanks the public but declines to accept donation.



Taiwanese media come to cover the story intensively.



Aug. 28, CBN issues its first statement on the case, announcing its position to stand firmly with the two journalists. It says Wong has nothing to do with the case and it reserves its rights to sue Foxccon on Wong's behalf for libel. On Wang, it says it is part of her job’s duty at CBN to write the two stories.



CBN publishes editorial comments, calling journalists nationwide to support the two. Wong says it's a "9/11"-like shock for journalism in China, with potentially serious consequences.



National Journalist Association and other national organizations speak out to support the two. Public opinions focus on the social duty of news media, particularly business and financial news media to monitor companies on behalf of the society.



Aug. 29-30, the Shenzhen court decline to accept any interview. A court official asks not to be named and says everything have strictly followed appropriate laws and proper legal procedures.



Foxccon spokesperson says the same - everything is legal; the amount being asked is based on careful calculation of the company’s stock loss; Apple report confirms the Sunday Mail made mistakes in its story. Foxccon is fighting to protect its own rights, its reputation as a responsible company. "It is not easy to manage more than 100,000 workers." And, if it wins, the money will be strictly for charity purpose.



Aug. 30, public opinions begin to question the silence of government branches, Labor Bureau in particular.



Aug. 30, evening, CBN issues second statement backing its journalists. A "golden team" of lawyers and legal consultants is assembled.



Aug. 30, late night, Hon Hai announces in Taiwan decision to change compensation demand from 30 million yuan to one yuan, saying that the purpose is to direct public attention back to its damaged reputation from money figures. It also adds CBN to the two journalists to be sued in the case.




Foxccon singles out one specific sentence in Wang’s report as untrue, which says "of 1000 new recruits [to Foxccon], 500 are unhealthy from the beginning." Foxccon says "claims like this in the stories by Wang and Wong distort facts, damage the good reputation of our company, and caused serious consequences."





Wong has kept contact with Hon Hai. He says there were already new moves in the morning. He learns Foxccon’s changes from his Taiwanese friends. In an interview, He expresses relief, saying that, even if this is only one step forward, it is a victory for all journalists in China. Wong repeatedly expresses willingness of reconciliation with the Hon Hai boss Mr. Kuo, and his wish to meet Kuo in person soon, etc.




Wang shows defiance, saying she'd fight to the end even if it's for one cent only.



Aug. 31, one o'clock in the night, CBN issues its third public statement over the case, reiterate its determination to fight to the end.



Aug. 31, more public opinion pieces coming out on-line and in print. The absence of voice from the government in general is questioned.



Wong's changing attitude is questioned, too. People are asking what the big capital had done to our media.



Aug. 31, Shenzhen municipal branch of the official trade union accepted interview, demanding Foxccon to set up a trade union by the end of 2006.



Sep. 1, the Shenzhen court announces date of court hearing on the case, which is set to be on October 23. Guangdong Supreme Court and the Shenzhen court both say the case will be given top priority. Shenzhen court had not received document of changing demands from Foxccon.



Sep. 3, CBN and Foxccon issue a joined statement of five items, expressing explicit respect to each other (for contribution to building up a harmonious society and to the growth of economic development; Both sides would like to do its best to support the other in the future, etc.



Xinhua News Agency reports the joined statement, saying the two sides agree to work together to protect workers’ rights in the future.




Sep. 4, The London-based Financial Times reports the final settlement has brought Hon Hai's shares to record high at Taiwan’s stock market.